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B B Need to take out the Qing sooner than later. If they finish off the Shangqing Tianguo and manage to integrate the AOG conquering them will take like twice as long
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May 17, 2017 18:42
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AA Land wars in Asia? I think not.
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May 17, 2017 18:49
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A ACB
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May 17, 2017 18:56
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A, A/C (If the RCW looks like it could be a thing, go north, otherwise target the Dutch East Indies)
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May 17, 2017 19:06
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A B, A, C For how minimal Germany's presence is in Asia, the amount we can take from them is enormous.
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May 17, 2017 19:19
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A C,A,B
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May 17, 2017 19:50
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A BAC
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May 17, 2017 20:03
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1: B 2: B, A ,C
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May 17, 2017 20:39
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1: A 2: B, A, C
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May 17, 2017 22:13
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1A 2B with the caveat: If Russia attempts to interfere with Korea, it goes to the top of the list.
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May 17, 2017 22:19
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A B, C, A
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May 17, 2017 22:20
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A C,A,B The Mad Baron is a rabid dog who must be put down for the good of all.
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May 17, 2017 22:21
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A B, C, A
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May 18, 2017 01:08
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A ABC
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May 18, 2017 01:49
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A BAC
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May 18, 2017 02:09
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A BAC Alright!
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May 18, 2017 03:16
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A BAC
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May 18, 2017 03:21
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B BAC
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May 18, 2017 05:02
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A B,C,A The Kaiser and the Tsar have no business being in Asia, so far from their castles and palaces.
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May 18, 2017 05:37
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B BCA
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May 18, 2017 05:49
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A ABC
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May 18, 2017 07:08
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B A, C, B
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May 18, 2017 08:50
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B ABC
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May 18, 2017 15:50
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I'm deeply torn on the first question. You see, I believe that administration of allied powers is the way forwards, as I have argued earlier. But Taiwan is a special case; it is more Japanese than any other area outside of the Home Islands and we have spent decades converting the people into Japanese citizens. Everywhere else should be treated according to a policy of liberation; Taiwan should remain part of the Empire, though lifted to an equal position as every other part of the Home Islands. Still, if the matter comes to a head, I shall recommend A and accept the loss of Taiwan. On the second matter I have a hard time choosing as well. These are all worthy directions with people in need of liberation from the Western Imperialists, but how best to use our strength is not an easy question to answer. Each victory will make Japan and her allies stronger, but we must nonetheless consider an efficient pursuit of victory, lest we bleed away that strength. As we still have some way to go before our new land doctrines are ready, however, I would be inclined towards the Pacific, in order that we can use our considerable naval might to isolate and liberate island nations, who can they join Japan in freedom and liberty, and turn their own strengths towards the Asian mainland, which will be an exceedingly great challenge under any circumstances. ACB .
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May 19, 2017 17:11
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A A, B, C
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May 19, 2017 17:18
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A B, A, C
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May 22, 2017 09:53
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A A, B, C
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May 22, 2017 13:44
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Voting is closed! On the question of organizing the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere: Puppet states wins 22-8! (One non-SA vote for Annexation) On the question of expanding the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere: Germany/China wins an outright majority in the first round with 16 first preference votes, with 11 for the Pacific, and 3 for the North! (One non-SA vote for the Pacific)
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May 23, 2017 04:31
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Part Four: The Difficult Path (November 1936 – March 1937) The problems of the Japanese government continued when a coalition of liberals and socialists rammed through a proposal to negotiate autonomy for the restive Korean colony.  The concessions were received around the world as a sign of Japanese weakness in the face of sedition from its colonies.  Conservative warnings about the Korean concession leading to a domino effect that would topple the entire empire seemed to be correct, as a coalition of Formosan nationalists ramped up their agitation for a similar autonomous status in the wake of Korean independence.   The concessions came off to the public in both Japan and the world like the leadership in Japan was losing control of the situation, but in fact they were a part of the Shadow Council’s design.  A situation across the Pacific gave the government an opportunity to attempt to regain its prestige in the eyes of the world.  With the United States completing its gradual decline from economic depression into factionalism to all out civil war, the Imperial Japanese Navy immediately moved, with civilian approval, to seize the island of Guam for the use of Japan.  The seizure gave Japan an important base further south than Iwo Jima, a base that would allow Japanese forces to project power throughout the German colonies of Micronesia.  The Imperial Japanese Army, never wanting to be shown by the Navy, presented a plan to invade the now ex-American protectorate of the Philippines, but the plan had absolutely no shot of being approved in the Diet.  The seizure of Guam was a bright spot, but Japan was still very troubled. The political turmoil and the loss of prestige angered the population, and Japan’s liberal experiment was on the precipice.  Japan’s ability to expand its military was hampered by the political chaos at home, but efforts to increase Japan’s soft power through espionage and diplomacy went ahead.  If the Japanese could not exert military might amidst the chaos, they proved to be deft in the application of soft power. When the liberal breakaway states of the American West Coast elected to invade their former motherland in order to liberate more states from the MacArthur military government, Japan was presented with an opportunity.  A new Japanese prime minister gave the government respite as the angry population waited to see what Mizuno Rentaro could accomplish.  Prime Minister Rentaro immediately sought to get Japan a victory. Since military victory was expensive, diplomatic victory would do. He offered to negotiate a truce between the Americans and the Pacific rebels. MacArthur accepted the offer but was then immediately offended by Rentaro’s blatant bias in favor of the rebels. MacArthur’s delegation stormed out of the negotiations and the San Francisco government responded by seizing United States assets, setting the Pacific and United States on an irreversible course towards war.  This was Japan’s aim all along, and the breakdown was followed by an offer of Japanese support for the Pacific rebels. Volunteers were plentiful, as IJA personnel sought opportunities to distinguish themselves. The support had broad partisan support. The conservatives wished to see another Pacific naval power smashed, the liberals saw the Pacific States as the inheritor of the American liberal legacy, and the socialists believed a strong Pacific States in opposition to the United States would give the Combined Syndicates a chance to take root.  Combined with the opportunistic attack on America by Mexico, a potential rival to Japan was in very deep trouble.  These deft moves did not fix all of Japan’s problems, however. The threat of military coup hung over Rentaro’s head just like it did his predecessors.  The fate of Kolchak in Vladivostok was far from implausible for Rentaro in Japan, perhaps even probable given the general discontent.  The day of reckoning came after the New Year when coup plotters sprung their plan into action. On the advice of the Shadow Council, the Emperor denounced and resisted the coup, and the plotters were rounded up without much disturbance. The survival of democracy in Japan sent a message to the world that Japan, despite its difficulties, was going to be a light for the world.  The failed coup and the attendant arrests caused even greater disruption to Japan’s military ambitions, as one of the plotters was Koji Sakai, mastermind of Japan’s new mobility focused doctrines. Other less capable but more loyal generals would take on his work.  With a coup defeated, the government continued with its programs to bring Japan out of economic despair and political turmoil. Outside Japan, the Pacific Rim continued to bustle with activity. Mexico’s victory over the United States brought that socialist nation to its greatest power since before the first Mexican-American War. Yes, Mexico controls San Francisco and Sacramento, no, I do not know how.  A France-backed coup in the Netherlands sent the Dutch Royal Family in exile to Indonesia.  The Dutch government-in-exile establishing itself in Batavia turned Indonesia from a distant Dutch concern to an active participant in Asian politics.  Any hopes that Japan could sweep in and seize the archipelago for itself easily were dashed when Indonesia aligned itself with the world’s premier collection of exiles: the Entente Cordiale.  As 1937 came into full swing and Japan’s power play in the United States paid enormous dividends, the question of what would come next for Japan came up.   The Shadow Council, thankful that Japan had survived a tumultuous winter and pleasantly surprised at the demise of one potential foe, began to set their sights on another: the German Empire. POLICY VOTE #1: German Colonies or Qing China? PROBLEM: Germany’s influence in Asia is both direct and indirect. They have extensive colonial holdings which include: their concessions in China proper, Indochina, North Borneo, the southern tip of Malaya, northeastern New Guinea and many Micronesian islands. They also have an ally in the Qing Empire which is attempting to grow out of underneath their shadow. Japan ought to supplant Germany as the preeminent power in Asia, but there is a question on how to accomplish this. Japan can either seek to invade Qing China to remove Germany’s ally there, or Japan can plan to seize German colonies to isolate Qing China for a later assault. Option A: The German Colonies An assault on German colonies will be planned for when Germany gets into a war with France. quote:”Germany’s many colonies are arrayed in such a manner to control China. If we were to seize these colonies, we would then be in the same position to control China. Attempting to exert control from our limited holdings would be difficult and allow for Germany to support China from their holdings. We must first eliminate Germany from the equation, and then assault China.” - Yasushi Hayagawa, IJN Officer Option B: China Japan will adopt an aggressive posture towards the Qing Empire that would be sure to lead to war. quote:”We cannot be sure that we will have an opportunity to attack the Germans before Qing China becomes too powerful for us to defeat in battle. We must try to handle the Qing sooner rather than later.” - Junpei Kajihara, IJA Officer POLICY VOTE #1: The 1937 Election PROBLEM: The political chaos means that a new election is about to be called by the Seiyukai government. The Shadow Council can choose to support either the conservative Seiyukai party for another stint in charge or support the liberal Minseito party for a change. Neither option will particularly affect the foreign policy of Japan. A: Seiyukai (Conservatives) B: Minseito (Liberals)
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May 25, 2017 05:14
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B B As tempting as Malaya is, we need to destroy the threat closer to home.
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May 25, 2017 05:24
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A B
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May 25, 2017 05:47
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B A Take care of the Qing as early as possible.
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May 25, 2017 06:12
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A B
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May 25, 2017 06:26
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B A
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May 25, 2017 06:45
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A B
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May 25, 2017 07:05
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A B
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May 25, 2017 07:15
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B B
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May 25, 2017 07:29
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B B
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May 25, 2017 09:30
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B B
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May 25, 2017 09:33
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A B
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May 25, 2017 10:27
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