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Raskolnikov38
Mar 3, 2007

We were somewhere around Manila when the drugs began to take hold
always shuck the tamale

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Raskolnikov38
Mar 3, 2007

We were somewhere around Manila when the drugs began to take hold
lol wait he had had them before?? what the gently caress did he think he was eating if he had only encountered shucked tamales

“mr president here’s this corn husk wr-“

“oh delicious yum” *is eaten by a pack of wolves*

Some Guy TT
Aug 30, 2011

i have a question about fascist aesthetic ive heard that contrary to popular belief fascist media wasnt always just chiseled aryans punching jews in the face or whatever but that softer fuzzier entertainment like romantic comedies was quite popular does anyone have any documentation on this subject i could read this isnt the kind of thing thats easy to search for unless you know the exact relevant phrases

cenotaph
Mar 2, 2013



Some Guy TT posted:

i have a question about fascist aesthetic ive heard that contrary to popular belief fascist media wasnt always just chiseled aryans punching jews in the face or whatever but that softer fuzzier entertainment like romantic comedies was quite popular does anyone have any documentation on this subject i could read this isnt the kind of thing thats easy to search for unless you know the exact relevant phrases

Have you heard of Disney?

Teriyaki Hairpiece
Dec 29, 2006

I'm nae the voice o' the darkened thistle, but th' darkened thistle cannae bear the sight o' our Bonnie Prince Bernie nae mair.
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Between_Hamburg_and_Haiti

i say swears online
Mar 4, 2005


it's on youtube, skimmed through it. the glamorous scenes in mexico near the end are pretty interesting in a sense

Some Guy TT
Aug 30, 2011






Typo
Aug 19, 2009

Chernigov Military Aviation Lyceum
The Fighting Slowpokes

StashAugustine posted:

Got a question about the nuclear bombing of Japan: I know the Japanese government was seeking some sort of peace treaty for some time but refused unconditional surrender. What exactly were the sticking points and what might have happened if the Allies negotiated

IIRC They wanted the emperor to stay in power and have real veto power over anything an allied occupational government does

They also wanted to keep Korea and Taiwan which had being annexed into Japan earlier in the century

Some Guy TT
Aug 30, 2011

Typo posted:

IIRC They wanted the emperor to stay in power and have real veto power over anything an allied occupational government does

like as a publicly acknowledged thing or more like its a thing they can do on the downlow like with europes constitutional monarchies

Mister Bates
Aug 4, 2010

Some Guy TT posted:

i have a question about fascist aesthetic ive heard that contrary to popular belief fascist media wasnt always just chiseled aryans punching jews in the face or whatever but that softer fuzzier entertainment like romantic comedies was quite popular does anyone have any documentation on this subject i could read this isnt the kind of thing thats easy to search for unless you know the exact relevant phrases

here is a typical saccharine Nazi film of the late-war era, if you're looking for a starting point: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Die_Feuerzangenbowle_(1944_film)

Zedhe Khoja
Nov 10, 2017

sürgünden selamlar
yıkıcılar ulusuna

Mister Bates posted:

here is a typical saccharine Nazi film of the late-war era, if you're looking for a starting point: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Die_Feuerzangenbowle_(1944_film)

i prefer to point to marika rokk's stuff

e: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FpHT33Wk_fs&t=2719s

pure syrup
no veggies

e2: bonus points for the lyrics-social context combo:
"Schau nicht hin, schau nicht her,

Schau nur grade aus,

Und was dann noch kommt,

Mach dir nichts daraus."

Soviets were already in Prussia at this point I'm pretty sure.

Zedhe Khoja has issued a correction as of 20:50 on Aug 15, 2023

Some Guy TT
Aug 30, 2011

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MV9ON6EdZz0

so this forty year old bbc tv documentary on berlin does a few interesting things the first half is the usual oh no look at the awful commies with all their awful commie wall stuff but the second half has a lot of interviews with actual west berliners with a very different take on the whole situation i think most notably its briefly mentioned that west berliners dont have to submit to mandatory military service so theres actually lots of west germans who also try to get in though its not stated the question is definitely begged how many east germans try to get into west berlin for that same reason like most nonfiction topics on east berlin this documentary is vague about the exact reasons why people try to get into west berlin just implying as broadly as it can that everyone is a political dissident without actually clearly making a falsifiable statement to that effect

whats really surprising is that the west berliners interviewed dont actually seem to like west germany that much they identify themselves primarily as berliners not west germans and are resentful that the local newspapers just have articles about reagan being shot which they dont care about but nothing about local politics or whats going in east germany theres also a big parade of the occupying powers that many west germans apparently protested stating that they want the occupation of west berlin to end and blame it for a lot of the social issues they have not just the city being separated but also west berlin apparently being in the middle of a huge housing crisis no attempt is made to explain why west berlin is having a housing crisis or whether east berlin is having one too

mawarannahr
May 21, 2019

“Blundering on the Brink”: Cuban Missile Crisis Documents from the Central Archive of the Russian Ministry of Defense


www.wilsoncenter.org posted:

A collection of documents from the Central Archive of the Russian Ministry of Defense (TsAMO), available in English for the first time on the Wilson Center Digital Archive, offers fascinating new details of the Cuban Missile Crisis. 

The collection consists of over 30 formerly top-secret documents from the spring, summer, and fall of 1962. Joining an already large body of archival records on the Cuban Missile Crisis (over 600 documents, as of writing), these new sources provide exceptional insights into Soviet military planning during the secret “Anadyr” operation (the deployment of Soviet ballistic missiles and troops to Cuba), including information regarding the personal conduct of Soviet troops stationed in Cuba, instructions for interactions with foreign vessels, and the composition of troops.

The documents were declassified by the Russian Ministry of Defense in May 2022, a somewhat surprising decision given Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine and the deteriorating political situation within Russia.

Many of the documents have already been put to good historical use by Cold War scholars. Sergey Radchenko and Vladislav Zubok relied on these documents for a recent article in Foreign Affairs titled “Blundering on the Brink: The Secret and Untold History of the Cuban Missile Crisis.” Radchenko and Zubok make clear that the Soviet intervention in Cuba was not the meticulous plan that Khrushchev made it out to be, but rather “a remarkably poorly thought-through gamble whose success depended on improbably good luck.” 

The new materials on the Wilson Center Digital Archive gives credence to Radchenko and Zubok’s claim, as evidence of Soviet ineptness abounds throughout the collection.

The lack of even modest expertise on Cuba among the Soviet military leadership stands out as a flagrant example of Soviet failings. Documents from the collection reveal that Soviet troops arrived in Cuba severely underprepared, apparently not realizing that the island’s tropical climate would wreak havoc on their weapons and equipment. Fuse failures, excessive corrosion, overconsumption of oil, and generator blackouts were just some of the complaints made by troops on the ground. Recommendations as to how to counter the effects of a warm climate and requests for new equipment were made throughout the spring and summer of 1962, but no action was taken by Moscow until August.

Other findings from the collection are probably less significant when it comes to analyzing the USSR’s strategic blunders, but still offer interesting details into the “Anadyr” operation. One memorable report describes the cigarette rations for secretly deployed Soviet troops – 25 a day – and the fact that servicemen were prohibited from visiting any place of entertainment in Cuba or taking walks for pleasure. All aspects of the mission, no matter how big or small, were “performed in strict secrecy under the pretense of the cover stories.”

Visits to cultural and education institutions, such as theatres and museums, were, on the other hand, “limitedly” permitted, as long as all Soviet troops proved themselves to be “models of Soviet socialist ideology” when interacting with Cuban citizens.

The new documents also include a report submitted to Khrushchev by R. Malinovsky on the October 27 shootdown of a U-2 aircraft piloted by American pilot Rudolf Anderson; reports on other close-calls between US and Soviet ships and aircraft; and the rescinding of the “increased combat readiness” status for the Soviet fleet following the resolution of the crisis.

In “Blundering on the Brink,” Radchenko and Zubok are careful to highlight the present-day importance of these Soviet-era documents. Drawing parallels between the hubris that drove the Cuban Missile Crisis and that hubris is driving Russia’s war in Ukraine today, Radchenko and Zubok note that the documents offer potential lessons to keep us safe during a time of pronounced nuclear saber-rattling. Realizing that he was without a winning hand, Khrushchev walked back from the brink, capitulated, and withdrew Soviet missiles from Cuba. It remains to be seen if Putin will also be able to know when enough is enough in Ukraine; if he will then have the capacity to stand down is another question entirely.

Click here to view new documents on the Cuban Missile Crisis from the Central Archive of the Russian Ministry of Defense (TsAMO)

Some Guy TT
Aug 30, 2011

1. The North American Model

Is it possible to understand the emergence of Nazism while looking only at Germany? References from two very different authors will help us to tackle this problem. A particularly useful quote is the excellent motto from Tocqueville: “whoever has seen and investigated France alone will never — or so I dare to claim — understand anything about the French Revolution.” In turn, Lenin speaks of “three sources” and of the “three components of Marxism,” that is to say, “German philosophy, English political economy and French socialism.” With both authors there is a strong emphasis on international frameworks. Why should we act any differently in our own studies of the theories and practice of the National Socialist counterrevolution, why restrict ourselves to the national dimension?

It is notable that the authors who contributed to the ideology supporting the Third Reich, and the Nazi leaders themselves, do not make reference to the rejected Hohenzollern when they present their racial and colonial programme. What, then, are the models for Nazi ideology? The white North Americans’ urge to expand certainly exerted an irresistible fascination on the Nazi leaders. In 1919, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck celebrated “Americanism” or “Amerikanertum” as being synonymous with “colonization” and “pioneering.” He went on to say that it was a “great” and “new principle,” that, when properly understood, would lead to taking sides with the “emerging nations” and the “emerging races.”

“Americanism,” Leopold Ziegler later stressed — in an essay of the same name, which offered an analysis of this phenomenon — not only expressed the “mentality of the colonized races” or exist as a synonym for “colonization.” Americanism, he argued, also stands for colonization on a large scale, in the “large space” of a “violent Lebensraum.” The history of the United States was “the history of an unprecedented expansion, an extension, a rise,” and it confirmed, in vivid terms, the “inequality and the imbalance in value between the different races” and between different individuals of the same race.

In 1928, Hitler himself spoke of the value of “Amerikanertum.” He saw it as the expression of a “young, racially selected people.” Germany felt a strong affinity towards the USA: the conquest of the “Far West” recalled the epic progress of the medieval German knight to the east. According to Hitler, one must follow in the traces of this knight in order to create an enclosed territorial empire in Central and Eastern Europe. In doing so, one should bear in mind the American model, whose “unprecedented inner strength” was praised in Mein Kampf.

But how should the German conquerors behave towards the subjected peoples? The intention was certainly not to found a multi-ethnic state. There was also no point in implementing assimilation and “Germanization” of the Slavs as, according to Hitler, it must not be forgotten that “Germanization can take place on the ground but never in people.” To believe that “a black or a Chinese person can become a German because he learns German and is prepared to speak the German language in the future, and to give his vote to a German political party” would be ridiculous. For Hitler, such a Germanization is in reality an “Entgermanisation,” or a reversal of the Germanization process. This signifies “the beginning of a bastardisation” and therefore “the extermination of German elements,” “the annihilation of exactly those qualities that once enabled conquering people to rise victorious.” The Nazi leader made reference to the United States once again, saying that the United States strived to merge “the racially equal” or racially related elements (the European and, in particular, the northern immigrants) into “a new nation.” This excluded those foreign-blooded people who had developed a national feeling or racial instinct (in particular the Blacks). Hitler commented that “the American union feels itself to be a Nordic Germanic state and in no way an international mishmash of races.”

The plan to implement a racial state was closely connected with the programme of colonial continental expansion that was happening on an international level. It was not only Soviet Russia that was emerging as the sworn enemy of the white race and culture in Europe. France, too, was on the hated list. The abolition of slavery in France came with the Jacobin revolution, as well as the picking of black people as troops to fight not only in the war but also in the occupation of the Rhineland. France also tolerated relationships between black soldiers and German women, which led to the pollution of Aryan blood. Furthermore, the French did not seem to have any internal racial consciousness as they made no attempt to keep the purity of the Aryan race and therefore tolerated the “bastardisation,” “blackening” and “general niggerization [Verniggerung]” of the nation.

Once more, the North American republic was referenced as a positive model for Germany. After stressing that “the fusion of a higher race with a lower” leads to disastrous consequences, Adolf Hitler went further in Mein Kampf:

quote:

History furnishes us with innumerable instances that prove this law. It shows, with startling clarity, that whenever Aryans have mingled their blood with that of an inferior race the result has been the downfall of the people who were the standardbearers of a higher culture. In North America, where the population is prevalently Teutonic, and where those elements intermingled with the inferior race only to a very small degree, we have a quality of mankind and a civilization which are different from those of Central and South America. In these latter countries the immigrants — who mainly belonged to the Latin races — mated with the aborigines, sometimes to a very large extent indeed. In this case we have a clear and decisive example of the effect produced by the mixture of races. But in North America the Teutonic element, which has kept its racial stock pure and did not mix it with any other racial stock, has come to dominate the American Continent and will remain master of it as long as that element does not fall a victim to the habit of adulterating its blood.

On this point which is so crucial to the fate of culture, Germany was unfortunately left behind. Germany carelessly granted state citizenship without taking regard of the “race” or the “physical health” of the immigrants, when instead they should have followed the USA’s example:

quote:

At present there exists one State which manifests at least some modest attempts that show a better appreciation of how things ought to be done in this matter. It is not, however, in our model German Republic but in the U.S.A. that efforts are made to conform at least partly to the counsels of common sense. By refusing immigrants permission to enter if they are in a bad state of health, and by excluding certain races from the right to become naturalized as citizens, they have begun to introduce principles similar to those on which we wish to ground the People’s State.

The United States anticipated the Nazis distinction between “citizens and foreigners,” which was sanctioned in the Nuremberg laws of 1935. But even before the Nazis seized power, Hitler stressed that neither a “negro,” “Jew, Pole, African, nor Asian” could be a German citizen.

Alfred Rosenberg expressed himself in similar terms. In 1937 he celebrated the exemplary model of the United States, this “superb country of the future,” who should be praised for formulating the successful “new ideas of a racial state.” These ideas, “with youthful might” were instrumental in leading to the expulsion and deportation of “the niggers and the yellow races.” In Germany, those with Jewish backgrounds were made to play the role of the Afro-Americans. Rosenberg wrote that the “Niggerfrage” was at “the pinnacle of consciousness in the USA.” If the absurd principle of racial equality for the Blacks had been abandoned in the U.S., he wrote, then why shouldn’t “the necessary consequences also be drawn for the Jews and yellow races” in Germany?

In view of the failure of Wilhelm II’s policy to found a colonial empire abroad, and of the isolation resulting from the sea blockade led by England straight after the outbreak of the First World War, Hitler sought to build a continental colonial empire in Eastern Europe. In the Table Talks, recorded while the army went deeper and deeper into the east, Hitler stressed his point of view: the war against the “natives” of Eastern Europe was to be compared with the war against the Native Americans; in both cases the stronger race will be victorious.

In fact, the “native” Eastern Europeans, who were decimated in order to allow the “Germanization” of conquered and occupied areas were like the Native Americans in one respect; but in another way they were like the Afro-Americans who were used as slaves to work and serve the master race. Sexual relationships and marriages were forbidden between the two races; miscegenation was banned just as in America in the centuries of black slavery and the regime of white supremacy.

The special barbarity of the Third Reich lay in their attempt to take over and radicalize colonial and racist traditions (and apply them to Eastern Europe), at a time when these traditions had been brought into turmoil by the huge emancipation movement in the wake of the October Revolution. Furthermore, this attempt to revive colonial traditions in their worst forms, much to the disadvantage of the old civilized people, was not implemented under “peaceful” conditions, as with the conquest of the Far West, but instead took place in the midst of a cruel and merciless World War. These factors all inevitably added to the sense of atrocity. This proves the importance of taking the concrete, national and international, historical context of the developments of colonialism and imperialism into account, rather than blaming the supposedly evil nature of the Germans.

2. Under Man and Untermensch

Also on a categorial and linguistic level we can see the American model’s clear influence on Nazi ideology. One only has to consider the word “Untermensch” to see this. The term Untermensch is associated with dehumanisation and violent holocaust in Nazi ideology. The term is central to the theory and practice of the Third Reich, but, in actuality, an investigation into the origins of this term reveals a surprising discovery: “Untermensch” is nothing other than a translation of the American term “under man.”

Alfred Rosenberg identified this connection and pointed it out in 1930, expressing his surprise at the U.S.-American author, Lothrop Stoddard. Stoddard is responsible for coining the term in question, which appears in the subtitle of his book, The Revolt of Civilisation: The Menace of the Under Man, published in New York in 1922 and then as a German translation three years later in Munich (Die Drohung des Untermenschen). In 1933 the top theoretician of the Nazi movement, Hermann Grauch, also acknowledged the lesser-known Stoddard: his study of the “fundamentals” of “race research” led him to warn of the danger that lay contrasting, as was customary, humanity to the animal world. In reality, the first term obscured differences between two types, the “Nordic person” and the “under man,” and Stoddard was the first to speak of this.

The U.S.-American author we are referring to here was by no means an isolated individual in his country. He was praised by two presidents of the United States (Warren Gamaliel Harding and Herbert Clark Hoover). The comment from Harding is especially noteworthy: “Whoever will take the time to read and ponder Mr. Lothrop Stoddard’s book on The Rising Tide of Color must realize that our race problem here in the United States is only a phase of a race issue that the whole world confronts.” One can now comprehend the extent of the sympathy and enthusiasm that the Nazis had for Stoddard. When Stoddard spent a few months in Germany, he met not only some of the greatest “scientists” in the field of race, but also the grandees of the regime, including Heinrich Himmler, Joachim von Ribbentrop, Richard Walther Darré and even Hitler himself.

For Stoddard, the mortal combat against the “under man” was part of a highly significant racial eugenics programme. It was important “to cleanse the race of its worst impurities,” to have a policy of “race cleansing” and “race purification.” It was necessary to systematically apply the discoveries of Francis Galton and to adopt “the science of Eugenics” or “Race Betterment.”

Now we come to another significant word in Nazi ideology that is mostly translated as “racial hygiene.” At this point it is worth taking a look at the history of this particular term, which takes us back to the end of the 19th Century. The term “Rassenhygiene” was used by Alfred Ploetz when he made reference to the studies of the “famous genetics researcher, Francis Galton.” Reflecting on his impressions of the USA, Ploetz described it as a place where the new science had enjoyed great triumphs. He commented that the reason for these triumphs were that the “Aryans” found themselves in a battle against “Indians, negroes, and mixed races,” and the “forward-looking yankees” were concerned that the new immigrants would be able to win the upper hand over the long-settled whites thanks to their abundant fertility.

Some years later a book appeared in Munich which in its title praised the USA as the exemplary model for “racial hygiene.” The author, Austro-Hungarian vice consul in Chicago, praised the United States for the “sobriety” and “pure practical sense” which they energetically applied to tackle the important problem of racial hygiene. The task in hand was the successful execution of racial hygiene through encouraging the “reproduction of the most racially competent” and discouraging that of the “inferior.” Furthermore, this included a comprehensive assessment of immigrants whereby not only undesirable individuals, but also “whole races” would be weeded out. Racial hygiene was also practised on another level: there was “the ban on intermarriage” and “extramarital mixing of white and black races”; any violation of these laws was punishable with up to ten years in prison. Those who facilitated the “crime” could be prosecuted as well as those directly involved. Quite apart from the legal rulings we should not forget the importance of actual practices and beliefs with such strong messages as that the purity of the race will be almost unconsciously striven for, and mixing with Negroes or with Asian blood will be considered as a crime and a disgrace. We have now come again to the core of Nazi ideology and Nazi language, with the investigation into the terminology “Rassereinheit” [racial purity] as against “Rassenmischung” [mixing of races] and “Rassenschande” [racial defilement] or “Blutschande” [defilement of the blood].

The linguistic influence of the American model also applies to other central themes in Nazi ideological discourse. It may suffice to say that even the term “Endlösung” [final solution] first made an appearance in books in the USA at the turn of the 19th to the 20th Century. The reference was less explicit, perhaps, and was without Hitler’s murderous implications, however it did suggest a “final and complete solution” [endgültige und vollständige Lösung] or the “ultimate solution” [die ultimative Lösung] to the problem of the “inferior people,” in particular the Blacks.

It is also significant that the teachers of Nazism were not only Germans, as the theory of a German Sonderweg [special way] would have us believe. One cannot fully comprehend Nazism without recognising the prevalence of a world-wide desire to achieve the kind of terrorist white supremacist regime that had first been seen in the history of the United States. Those who focus their attention on Germany alone will never be in a position to fully explain the terrors of the Hitler regime.

When Hitler gave his speech in front of the Düsseldorf Industrieclub on 27th January 1932 — a speech that finally won him the support of the representatives of industry for his rise to power — the Führer outlined the important choice that faced Germany and the whole world, a choice between “the future or the downfall of the white race.” For his part, Hitler had fought to his utmost to defend “the absolute innate feeling of mastery by the white race.” [24] When reading this it is hard not to think of the pioneers of white supremacy in the southern states of the U.S. By the same token, when reading about the “racist belief systems” that were expressed in the southern states by armed and uniformed people during the “jubilee of the white supremacy” at the beginning of the 20th century, we are led back to Nazism:

quote:

1. “Blood will tell.” 2. The white race must dominate. 3. The Teutonic peoples stand for race purity. 4. The Negro is inferior and will remain so. 5. “This is a white man’s country.” 6. No social equality. 7. No political equality. […] 10. Let there be such industrial education of the Negro as will best fit him to serve the white man. […] 14. Let the lowest white man count for more than the highest Negro. 15. The above statements express the will of Providence.

We are led back to Nazism all the more because this catechism was advocated by people who dedicated themselves in theory and practice to the task of absolute superiority of the Aryans. “To hell with the Constitution,” said a U.S. Governor and Senator of South Carolina (Benjamin Tillman), while a U.S. Senator from Georgia (Thomas E. Watson) spoke of “the hideous, ominous, national menace” of “Negro domination.” Despite a few individual critical voices who thought that, terrorized as they are, “the Negro [was] doing no harm,” racist groups were still prepared “to kill him and wipe him from the face of the earth.” They were determined to institute “an all-absorbing autocracy of race,” an “absolute identification of the stronger race with the very being of the state.”

That is not to say, however, that Nazism’s regard for North America was without criticism. There were, of course, subjects about which they did not agree. For example, Hitler and Rosenberg both expressed negative opinions on the role that was ascribed to Jews there. Furthermore, it is important to note that the influence discussed here was by no means a one way street. Stoddard studied in Germany and was deeply influenced by Nietzsche. He coined the term “Under Man” as a counterpart to the German philosopher’s term, “Übermenschen” [above men], and when he announced his total disgust for the “Under Man” (who was consumed by envy of superior characters) he was probably influenced by the figures of the “Schlechtweggekommenen” [miserable and malformed individuals] or the “Missratenen” [failures], which Nietzsche frequently referred to.

The connection that has been made in this essay between Nazism and colonial tradition, particularly in the continent’s methods of colonial expansion, was obvious to the great theoreticians of the anti-colonial liberation movement. When Franz Fanon called attention to the crimes, the “deportations, massacres, forced labour, and slavery” of that time — which colonialism had committed “for centuries” — he also added that “Nazism transformed the whole of Europe into a genuine colony.” [28] Today, unfortunately, the left are not in a position to effectively confront the dominant ideology which has every interest in acquitting the system of capitalism, colonialism and imperialism. Instead, the left sees only one holocaust and restricts itself to accusing one country and one single, cursed people.

3. Anti-Semitism in the USA and in Germany

After the “Germanization of the land,” and thus the decimation of the “natives” of Eastern Europe, those left over had to work as slaves or partial slaves at the service of the master race. Jewish Bolsheviks, on the other hand, were to be completely exterminated. They were the “Untermenschen” who disturbed the natural racial hierarchy, encouraged and led the revolts of the inferior races, and even wanted to achieve “the extermination of the European races,” those “Aryan” and “European-Aryan nations.”

It should be made clear that developments in anti-Semitism were not exclusive to Germany. Hatred of the Jews was virulent on both banks of the Rhine at the end of the 19th Century, both the success of authors like Edouard Drumont and the infamous Alfred Dreyfus affair attest to this. And these are the decades in which Germany is seen to be the centre of Judaism. In 1848, Engels wrote, “German is everywhere known as the Jewish universal language,” spoken at home “in New York and Constantinople, in St. Petersburg and Paris.” Even at the beginning of the First World War, Hermann Cohen, an important German philosopher of Jewish background, published a short book which discussed, as its main theme, the concept that “Germanity and Judaism are intimately connected.”

The defeat and the treaty of Versailles did not at once lead to a radical change. The report by Leo Löwenthal concerning Germany in the twenties can be of interest here:

quote:

We used to laugh about the fact that there was a tiny hotel in Frankfurt […] that had a sign saying “Jews not welcome” or “Jews not wanted.” Then there was a small bathing place, Borkum near Norderney, that was “reserved” for anti-Semites. But we didn’t take any of it seriously. […] I didn’t truly experience the kind of anti-Semitism that made it impossible to go to certain restaurants, hotels or clubs until I came to America.

Furthermore, Oswald Spengler felt the need to express his attitude towards the Jews in 1933, saying, “When we speak about race it is not meant in the way that is now fashionable with anti-Semites in Europe and America, namely, Darwinian and materialistic.” This shows that the level of anti-Semitism in the United States seemed exaggerated and vulgar not only to an author of Jewish background whose beliefs were aligned with the Frankfurt School, but also to a reactionary anti-Semite.

The North American republic would also contribute early and immensely to an ideological motif that would later play a fatal role in the ideological spreading of the “final solution.” Even before the appearance of Nazi ideologists and agitators, the U.S. ideologists of white supremacy had made commonplace the theory that Jewish influence that steered the revolutionary movement which shook the West. Madison Grant stressed the “Semitic leadership” of “Bolshevism” and Lothrop Stoddard stigmatized the “largely Jewish Bolshevist régime in Soviet Russia to-day.”

Here it is important to pay particular attention to the role of Henry Ford. Soon after October 1917, the car industry magnate tried to denounce the Bolshevik revolution as the result of a Jewish plot. For this purpose he founded a journal in 1919, the Dearborn Independent, which enjoyed a large circulation. Articles from the journal were then published in book format in November 1920, under the title, The International Jew. This quickly became the first port of call for international anti-Semitism. Theories that played a central role in Nazi ideology can be found here. For example, “The Russian upheaval is racial, not political nor economic. It conceals beneath all its false socialism and its empty mouthings of ‘human brotherhood’ a clear-cut plan of racial imperialism.” Ford’s book also strongly contributed to lending credibility and promotion to the distribution of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion — a forgery created by the circles of the czarist secret police, and published in Russian in 1903 in St. Petersburg.

Later, Nazi bigwigs like Baldur von Schirach and even Heinrich Himmler went on to explain that they were inspired by Ford and that their work sprang from his ideology. Himmler in particular claimed that “the whole danger of Judaism” was not realised fully until Henry Ford’s book, calling it “a revelation for us National Socialists.” The same was true of The Protocols. “Both of these books showed us the path that we had to follow in order to free the afflicted people from the greatest enemy of all: the international Jew,” Himmler claimed. Both works played a “crucial” role in the formation of his ideas as well as Hitler’s. Whether these claims are true or not, what is certain is that The International Jew was published with great pride in the Third Reich, with forewords praising the American author and industrialist on his clarification of the “Jewish question” [Judenfrage], and also stressing the connection between Henry Ford and Adolf Hitler.

Regarding the virulence of anti-Semitism in France towards the end of the 19th Century, a leading Israeli researcher, Zeev Sternhell, spoke of the “French origins of fascism.” But this point of view is one-sided, even if it does have the merit of questioning the myth of a Germany who persistently represents reaction at its worst. It would be more accurate to speak of fascism and Nazism as having international origins. In the elaboration of the motives of the Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy, motives which allegedly threatened the whole world after first swallowing up their own country, the representatives of the White Russian counterrevolution, who emigrated from the Soviet Union to Germany, played a central role. But bigger still is the role that the North American model played in providing a blueprint for Hitler’s colonial and racial programme, particularly in the white supremacist southern states. With regards to the ideological preparation of the “final solution,” we must, of course, keep Germany in mind at all times, but it is essential that we do not lose sight of the international context.

4. The racist counterrevolution from the USA to Germany

This is not a question of indulging in a banal “anti-Americanism,” as those who fail to submit to the holy image of the United States as the temple of freedom are often accused of doing. Quite on the contrary, highlighting the influence that the American reactionary movement had on the German and European reactionaries means also to stress the value of a mostly forgotten great revolution that took place in the USA. The end of the American Civil War signified not only the abolition of slavery but also the emergence of a multi-ethnic democracy — even if under the difficult conditions of a long lasting state of emergency. In the southern states the former slave owners had turned into unruly rebels, and the Union and their troops required the cooperation of the Blacks to gain control. Black people now had political rights and civil rights and therefore played an important role in voting and gaining access to representative bodies and, occasionally, leadership roles.

This period of reconstruction may have been the happiest period in the history of Afro-Americans, but it was only liberating for a short period of time, until 1877. In exchange for their agreement to the unassailable national unity and protection of the industry that was benefitting the North, the former slave owners, who up until now had been kept under control by the government, shook off military and political control and won back their self-government. As a result, black people lost their political (and to a great extent also civil) rights, through the passing of legislation: there was to be a racial state that implemented the strictest racial segregation, brutal oppression and degradation against those who were suspected of having even just one drop of non-white blood (the “one drop rule”). This state exercised a gruesome terror regime against any black person who dared to question the regime of white supremacy, even if only in their sexual behaviour. The second American revolution that took place between the Civil War and the Reconstruction Era suffered such a disastrous defeat that it manifested on an ideological level as well: the idea of racial equality was ridiculed and the dehumanisation of Blacks, who were represented as irredeemable savages or just plain animals, increased.

As György Lukács asserted, whilst the defeat of the Peasants’ War in Germany and the 1848 revolution in Germany and Europe may well have influenced the international reaction which resulted in fascism and Nazism, what was much more influential was the failure of the Abolitionist Movement in America. The change that took place because of this had already been recognised by the most clear-sighted witnesses of that time. Friedrich Ratzel, one of the great theoreticians of geopolitics, painted a very distinct picture on his visit to the USA at the end of the 19th Century: the idea of loyalty to the principle of “equality” had vanished, to be replaced by the reality of “racial aristocracy.” This was not just a question of Blacks being robbed of their political rights. Although some may try to ignore it, according to Ratzel, the “color line” was ripping American society apart so strongly that “it even affected the Institute for the Blind.” Absolute segregation was enshrined in the law in the United States, as it was in society in general. “Intermarriage” between the races was not only frequently forbidden by law but, in addition to this, couples of different races were often discouraged from marrying because their offspring were counted as Blacks and therefore subject to the same harsh discrimination. Afro-Americans were isolated as though by a cordon and shut out from the “major national associations” (including the trade unions). Those who placed their hopes of equality on the consequences of welfare, education, and upbringing were attacked as “idealists” and “education fanatics.” In fact, the “educated Negro families” were subjected discrimination harsher than the norm, and were suspected of being the most dangerous members of the inferior race. Were there benefits to abolitionism? The “social intercourse” between whites and blacks “[was] more restricted than at the time of slavery.” Moreover, on a legal level, the different pieces of legislation were undermined by the fact that legislation was interpreted completely differently according to race — as shown by the Lynch Law against the Blacks and the “suppression and extermination of the Native Americans.” The immigrants from the east too, the last of the “three groups of the ‘coloured’,” were affected by the severity of the white supremacy regime.

It must be noted that after the Abolition Movement, the project of a society based on the principle of racial equality failed utterly. In the USA, there existed a society which “avoid[ed] slavery but [kept] the type of subordination according to race amongst the social stratification,” which adhered to the principle of “racial aristocracy.” Ratzel came to the following conclusion: “experience has shown that it is necessary to recognize race differences”; they prove to be much more enduring “than the abolition of slavery which turned out to be a mere episode or experiment.” A “reversal” concerning the abolitionists and the supporters of the principle of equality took place. Ratzel claimed that these elements would have consequences reaching further than just inside the USA, insisting, “we are standing on the brink of repercussions the effects of which will touch Europe more than Asia.”

Ratzel was not alone in his prediction that ultimately the theories and practices of the white supremacy would exert influence beyond U.S. borders. In 1926, Ziegler stressed that “the fanfare of an America socially revolutionized from the top downwards” plays irresistible music that will fall on attentive and sympathetic ears across the Atlantic. This comes as a result of the theoretical recognition and practical application of the “iron law of inequality” — not only of individuals but also increasingly of races.

In particular, it is Hoffmann, the aforementioned vice consul of Austria-Hungary, who recognised the expansive potential of the racist counterrevolution which ensued in the failure of the Reconstruction. He commented that despite the “Abolitionist Civil War” in the USA, there is still a “ban on racial mixing,” and a legitimization for this was confirmed by the highest court. Also, in addition to this was the exclusion of Blacks from the right to vote as well as their segregation in churches, schools, public transport etc. Also forgotten was “the teaching of natural rights,” in this “free” country that so often is said to symbolize freedom itself. Europe needed urgently to catch up on things here; in Europe the Blacks from colonies were underestimated as “interesting and exotic” by society. What a difference between the behaviour of the Americans, “so proud of the purity of their race,” who avoid contact with non-whites, even those who only have “a drop of negro blood” flowing through their veins! “Never was there so much written or spoken about race and racial dominance as in America.” Indeed, “Galton’s dream, racial hygiene becoming the religion of the future, approached realization in America. In a course of victory without compare, his dream conquered the New World.” The spread of racial hygiene, which took the USA by storm, did not stop at its borders. To conclude, it was the “‘homo europaeus,’ the Germanic or Nordic type, who [found] in America its most numerous admirers.” “If America can in any way be Europe’s teacher, then it [was] in the ‘Neger-[und Rassen]frage’ [the issue of Negroes and race].”

It is all the more necessary to note the example given by North America because the racial state had more than just one internal political meaning. We are dealing with a movement that aimed to “cultivate a new, ideal, world dominating race.” This was an ideology that did not permit Europe to hang back, as “the ennobling racial attempts of America were exemplary,” and so called on Europe to follow suit.

The concern about lagging behind the USA in the practical application of a doctrine that would decide the fate of the world spread in Europe. In 1923, a German doctor, Fritz Lenz, complained that Germany was far behind the USA on developments in “racial hygiene.” After the devolution of power to the Nazis, the racial ideologists and “scientists” stressed that “there [was] a lot for Germany to learn from the systematic North Americans’ example,” according to Hans F. Günther in 1934. Günther went on to comment that luckily the Germans were not too far behind and they had started to catch up, recognising the importance of the “iron law of inequality” for races and individuals, a principle handed over by the North American author Stoddard.

Finally, Hitler himself referred indirectly to the ideology of white supremacy. In 1928 he sang the praises of the “American union,” who had “put together special measures for immigration, inspired by the teachings of its own race researchers.” America’s example, Hitler noted, showed that “the National Socialist movement has the task of applying existing or emerging discoveries of race science to practical politics.” Furthermore, the teachings from beyond the Atlantic are also valuable to the National Socialists in a theoretical sense, Hitler commented, since “we are concerned with scientific insights that illuminate world history.”

Therefore, this is a useful key to have at our disposal, helping us to reach — beyond superficial appearances — an understanding of political and social conflicts, not only of the present, but also of the past.

5. Gobineau and the “Anglo-Americans”

Above all, it is important to recognize one thing: the tendency to frame the whole of Germany’s history as some sort of build up to the “final solution,” truly prevalent today, should lead us to contemplate the decades before the Third Reich, where the extent and full horror of genocide was expressed both in the suffering of Native Americans as well as, quite plainly, in the nation of annihilators, the Anglo-Americans. Let us read Arthur de Gobineau, who wrote that, contrary to the Germanic people who were prepared to “share the country with the former occupiers,” the Anglo-Saxon stock established in America was characterised by their pitiless inflexibility towards the natives. It was “not only their ways” that they “could no longer tolerate,” it was their “life” itself that they could no longer allow. The Germanic people, according to the French author,

quote:

were too vigorous by nature to comprehend imposing the use of strong liquor or poisons on their subjects or foreign nations. That is an invention of modern times. Neither the Vandals, Goths, Franks nor the first Saxons would have considered it and even the civilisation of the ancient world, however refined and decadent, never had such an idea. Neither the Brahmans nor the Magi found the need to comprehensively wipe out anything that did not follow their way of thinking. Our civilisation is the only one which possesses this instinct for violence and murder, it is the only one to act — without anger, without agitation, but instead with exceedingly delusional mildness and sympathy, an expression of the most unbounded gentleness — to incessantly surround themselves with a horizon of tombs.

Gobineau certainly considered moral blame in this case to be excessive and inappropriate, writing that the Anglo-Americans, as convinced and true representatives of this type of culture, fashioned their laws accordingly. One cannot blame them. However, this judgment would not be accepted today if one were to try to apply it to Auschwitz and the Nazi administration of genocide. However, the Anglo-Americans were, in a certain sense, responsible for a one-off Holocaust: the radical way in which the Native Americans were eradicated “was completely novel on earth.”

Regarding the North American settlers, Theodor Waitz, a German race theoretician, pointed out the most complete example of the genocide of this time:

quote:

According to the teaching of the American school […] the higher races are determined to repress the lower races, as it has always happened on earth when there is a higher entity and a lower one. The perishing of the lower races corresponds to divine purpose and shows not only our recognition of the right of the white Americans to exterminate the Red Indians, but also identifies piety in praising the way they have always devoted themselves as enlightened and insightful tools in bringing about the realization of extermination. The pious apostle of murder may feel sadness about the unfortunate fate of the Red Indian race, but he finds solace in the fact that the natural laws are being followed, laws which dominate the rise and fall of peoples, according to the natural drives and instincts which were planted in the individual races by the creator Himself.

Let us turn to F. D. Roosevelt, who was appalled by the terrible crimes of the Third Reich during the Second World War, and was fascinated momentarily by the peculiar project of “castrating” of the Germans. Perhaps if the U.S.-American statesman had read Gobineau and Waitz and their feelings about the exterminationist racism of “the American school” he might have hesitated, understanding that the idea of avoiding the repetition of such practices through the “castration” of the people in power might affect the peoples to whom he himself belonged. There is one fundamental truth not to be forgotten: far from being the repetition of identical versions, history is remarkable for its constant alterations and radical changes. It is time to end the myth of an identity which remains unchanged through time.

At this point we can add a consideration of a political strategic character. For better or worse, however incompletely and insufficiently, Germany has attempted to come to terms with the past and with the horror of the Third Reich. On the other side of the Atlantic, by contrast, the U.S.-American leaders and ideologues celebrate their country as “the oldest democracy in the world.” Such a historical presentation makes the fate of the Native Americans and Blacks seem completely unimportant. There has not been even a vague attempt to process the past. And it is exactly this clear conscience that gives Washington the impetus to export “democracy” by force of arms. Under these conditions, it is pure madness to strengthen the clean consciences of today’s extremely dangerous imperialists with continued talk of an eternally reactionary Germany.

Slavvy
Dec 11, 2012

Well I learned a new German word I can never say today

Dr. Jerrold Coe
Feb 6, 2021

Is it me?
There's an excellent time capsule from the 70s titled Japan's Imperial Conspiracy by one David Bergamini which presents Hirohito's full responsibility for the war and the conduct of the Imperial militaries. Got a ton of reviews calling it conspiracy theory when it was released, of course. The funny thing is that it is a pretty cracked work, mostly working off of Japanese high society gossip and being a fairly unmaterialist framework of secret societies and Q-style plots, alongside many accounts of prominent war criminals who were "rehabilitated" to little effort and flourished post-war. I can't remember if it covers Unit 731 at all. Guy is also virulently misogynist in his treatment of the infamous "Manchu princess spy" Yoshiko Kawashima and seems to delight when she last appears as a bloated alcoholic wreck before her execution for war crimes. An interesting counterpoint to all the cheap paperbacks valorizing the brave doomed Japanese soldiers that were de rigueur in the era.

Weka
May 5, 2019

That child totally had it coming. Nobody should be able to be out at dusk except cars.

Cuttlefush posted:

you should write "the japanese regime" and not "japan" when writing about the state

You should write the honorary demon cracker nation when writing about the people who identify with honorary white japan

galagazombie
Oct 31, 2011

A silly little mouse!

Dr. Jerrold Coe posted:

An interesting counterpoint to all the cheap paperbacks valorizing the brave doomed Japanese soldiers that were de rigueur in the era.

I was under the impression most pulp fiction of the time that dealt with Japan was Tom Clancy style fear mongering about how the inscrutable Japanese oriental was just biding his time till he could avenge himself upon freedom loving America, Remember Pearl Harbor! Or did that not really get going until the 80’s when the economic boom and better than American cars made people anxious?

Some Guy TT
Aug 30, 2011

how is the plot against america as far as prestige tv alt history goes for context man in the high castle has been driving me crazy insofar as it provokes me into putting way more thought into the setting than the writers did

i only just noticed that a hypothetical japanese empire controlling the west coast would have needed an unusually coherent policy on racial minorities because a huge chunk of their population would have been ethnically mexican but instead of even trying to address the question of how the japanese would deal with the people literally responsible for picking their food the black panthers just teleport to the west coast get ak47s from chinese communists and hang out with irish revolutionaries that have even less of a reason to be in california than they do

War and Pieces
Apr 24, 2022

DID NOT VOTE FOR FETTERMAN
If they had balls they would have used Nation of Islam which absolutely did get funding from Imperial Japan

HootTheOwl
May 13, 2012

Hootin and shootin

Some Guy TT posted:

how is the plot against america as far as prestige tv alt history goes for context man in the high castle has been driving me crazy insofar as it provokes me into putting way more thought into the setting than the writers did

The plot against America isn't actually about the plot and it's pretty good. It scratched a certain itch that a diaspora Jew such as myself had

HootTheOwl
May 13, 2012

Hootin and shootin
"The road is open again" I thought was a banger too.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy
https://twitter.com/WW1IEPER1917/status/1694229856584638920?t=5ElbUVlu8AtNdJxhlQgZew&s=19

Some Guy TT
Aug 30, 2011

It was the opening of his campaign, and the British veteran unleashed a salvo of shots at the French lines. That is to say, director Ridley Scott was promoting his latest film, due to be released in November.

And while there are months to go before we see the end result, conversation has started swirling around the biopic in earnest, thanks to comments Scott has made in an interview with film magazine Empire. "I compare [Napoleon] with Alexander the Great, Adolf Hitler, Stalin. Listen, he's got a lot of bad poo poo under his belt," he declared, explaining his take on the character.

Quoi? Arrête! The French wasted no time in returning fire and correcting the impudent Brit. "Hitler and Stalin built nothing and only wrought destruction," Pierre Branda, academic director of the Fondation Napoléon, told The Telegraph. "Napoleon built things that are still in place today." Thierry Lentz of the Fondation Napoléon said in the same piece: "Napoleon did not destroy either France or Europe. His legacy was subsequently celebrated, embraced and expanded on." So what is the truth of the matter – and does Scott have a leg to stand on?

Napoleon, a brilliant military commander, seized power in 1799 during a period of political instability in France following the French Revolution. Admirers say he made France a more meritocratic country than it had been under the pre-revolutionary ancien régime. He centralised the government, reorganised banking, overhauled education and instituted the Napoleonic code, which transformed the legal system and served as a model for many other countries.

If I was going to compare Napoleon to anyone, then I would go back in history to Louis XIV, an absolute monarch who waged unnecessary wars
But he also waged a series of bloody wars across Europe, establishing an empire that, at its height, stretched from the Iberian Peninsula to Moscow. By 1812, the only areas of Europe free from his control, by direct rule or puppet rule or through alliance, were Britain, Portugal, Sweden and the Ottoman Empire. He was finally defeated in 1815 by an alliance of nations led by Britain in the Battle of Waterloo.

Napoleon and the Napoleonic Wars loomed large in the minds of British people of the period and beyond. Cartoonists were obsessed with him. He is in the background of Jane Austen's novels. Pride and Prejudice, which was published in 1813, for example, features the militia that was to repel the expected invasion by Napoleon. Charlotte Brontë owned a fragment of Napoleon's original coffin, given to her by her tutor in Brussels. Arthur Conan Doyle's great detective Sherlock Holmes dubs villain Professor Moriarty "the Napoleon of crime". In George Orwell's Animal Farm, published in 1945, the pig who becomes a dictator is called Napoleon. But is calling Napoleon a dictator – and equating him with other infamous dictators – really fair?

Philip Dwyer, professor of history at the University of Newcastle, Australia, and the author of a three-volume biography of Napoleon, doesn't think so. "You can have a debate about whether Napoleon was a tyrant or not – I'd be leaning towards the tyrant – but he was certainly no Hitler or Stalin, two authoritarian dictators who brutally repressed their own people, resulting in millions of deaths."

Some have even argued that the Empire was a 'police state' because there was a complex system of secret informers keeping tabs on public opinion," he continues. "But very few people – a number of aristocrats more or less involved in plots to overthrow the regime, a couple of journalists – were actually executed by Napoleon for their opposition. If I was going to compare Napoleon to anyone, then I would go back in history to Louis XIV, an absolute monarch who waged unnecessary wars costing thousands of lives.

"So too Napoleon waged wars – again debatable whether they were necessary or not – costing the lives of millions of people, although we don’t know how many civilians were killed directly or indirectly as a result of the wars."

French journalist and Telegraph columnist Anne-Elisabeth Moutet agrees that Napoleon is not comparable to Hitler or Stalin. "He [Napoleon] did not have concentration camps," she tells BBC Culture. "He did not single out minorities for massacre. Yes, there were intrusive political police but ordinary people could live as they liked and say what they wanted."

Moutet says that the French view Napoleon principally as a reformer.

I see Napoleon as a warlord – a man who was driven by personal ambition, and who was absolutely ruthless – Charles Esdaile
"He had a remarkable mind and was the instigator of a body of laws and institutions that we still live by today.

"We like to think – and it’s not entirely false – that lots of people were much happier being ruled by the French than living under whatever feudal laws they had had."

However Charles Esdaile, Professor Emeritus of History at the University of Liverpool and the author of several books on Napoleon including Napoleon’s Wars: An International History 1803-15, has a different view.

"I see Napoleon as a warlord," he says. "A man who was driven by personal ambition and who was absolutely ruthless. A man who had a very clear vision of the sort of France he needed to construct and, indeed, the sort of Europe he needed to construct, to support his war machine. Any idea that he was some sort of liberator, some sort of a man of the future – essentially this is all part of the Napoleonic legend.

The Napoleonic propaganda machine was a very, very powerful tool in the course of the Empire and churned out a version of his wars in which much of the fault was down to perfidious Albion," he adds. "It wasn't France at all – it was everybody making war against France. This powerful Napoleonic legend continues to operate to this day. Napoleon is a living presence. He continues to operate from beyond the grave. He continues to mould the way in which we see him."

But Esdaile also rejects the Hitler and Stalin comparisons.

"Napoleon had many faults and was a loathsome individual but the racial ideology that underpinned the Nazi regime simply wasn’t there," he says. "Napoleon is not guilty of genocide. Napoleon doesn’t engage in wholesale purges. In fairness to Napoleon, the number of political prisoners in the course of his reign is relatively limited. To compare him with Hitler and Stalin is a historical nonsense."

Of course, Ridley Scott, a titan of the film industry, director of Blade Runner, Gladiator, Thelma and Louise, Alien and many others, has been in the business long enough to know how to promote a movie. (Napoleon is a return to the milieu of his first feature, The Duellists, released more than four decades ago.) It's entirely possible he knew the Hitler and Stalin remarks would generate publicity and that is why he made them.

So will Esdaile be going to see Napoleon when it is released?

"I suppose I'm going to have to but I know it can't be any good because Rod Steiger is not playing Napoleon,” he jokes. “There is so much wrong with the 1970 film Waterloo but Steiger's performance as Napoleon is just outstanding.”

christmas boots
Oct 15, 2012

To these sing-alongs 🎤of siren 🧜🏻‍♀️songs
To oohs😮 to ahhs😱 to 👏big👏applause👏
With all of my 😡anger I scream🤬 and shout📢
🇺🇸America🦅, I love you 🥰but you're freaking 💦me 😳out
Biscuit Hider
warlord? more like snorelord

Teriyaki Hairpiece
Dec 29, 2006

I'm nae the voice o' the darkened thistle, but th' darkened thistle cannae bear the sight o' our Bonnie Prince Bernie nae mair.
My new favorite thing:

Soldiers' Songs: The Folklore of the Powerless by Les Cleveland.

quote:

Introduction

As occupational folklore, the songs that soldiers sing serve many purposes. They enhance the solidarity of groups, strengthen morale and help diminish fear, while as varieties of simple, expressive, frontier-style, self-entertainment they help reduce the boredom, frustration and monotony of much military life. However, this article concentrates on what, in a democracy, is perhaps their most important function. This is to act as an informal channel of protest against circumstance and against oppressive, incompetent, unpopular or overbearing military and political authority.

Literature, and particularly poetry, offers strategies for dealing with the human situation. 1 The songs, recitations and folklore of soldiers 2 are the poetry of the powerless. They are the only means at their disposal for the expression of their subversive fears and frustrations. Men living under close military discipline are in much the same predicament as the citizens of any absolutist regime. They cannot openly challenge its legitimacy, nor can they freely express their discontent and anger at their fate. Only in ribald song and lewd fantasy can the truth be permitted a momentary exposure. Comedy, especially in its ironic forms, institutionalises doubts and questionings by allowing a degree of furtive, half-serious, ambiguous expression. It is a variety of sanctioned disrespect 3 , which permits them to endure and even to mock at what they cannot change. A comic style also asserts "the vital rhythm of self-preservation" 4 because the fear of death can be acknowledged more openly without shame or embarrassment in the guise of laughter and may even be temporarily overcome. Thus to sing a chorus of "I Don't Want to be a Soldier" is to take a small step toward the control of that fear.

Folksong as Comic Protest

This song is a comic protest against the hazards of life at the front. It maintained its currency in the British Army from the time of the Napoleonic Wars. 5

I don't want the Sergeant's shilling, 6
I don't want to be shot down;
I'm really much more willing
To make myself a killing,
Living off the pickings of the Ladies of the Town;
Don't want a bullet up my bumhole,
Don't want my cobblers minced with ball; 7
For if I have to lose 'em
Then let it be with Susan
Or Meg or Peg or any whore at all,
Gorblimey!

On Monday I touched her on the ankle,
On Tuesday I touched her on the knee;
On Wednesday such caresses
As I got inside her dresses,
On Thursday she was moaning sweetly;
On Friday I had my fingers in it,
On Saturday she gave my balls a wrench;
And on Sunday after supper,
I had the fucker up her,
And now she's got me up before the Bench,

Gorblimey!

The following version was circulating among British and Commonwealth troops in World War 2. A variant of it was also current among elements of the U.S. Marine Corps stationed in the Pacific. 8

I don't want to be a soldier,
I don't want to go to war;
I'd rather hang around
Piccadilly underground,
Living on the earnings of a high born lady;
Don't want a bullet up my arsehole,
Don't want my bollocks shot away,
For I'd rather stay in England,
Merry, merry England,
And roger all my bleeding life away,
Gorblimey!

Numerous versions of this, which circulated among U.S. troops serving in Europe in World War 2, were known as the "Piccadilly Song" or as "Gorblimey". One of them was still current during the Vietnam War. 9

Another protest song that had universal currency among British and Commonwealth troops in World War 2 was "gently caress 'em All". This was popular among Royal Air Force personnel in the 1920's on the North West Frontier of India and may have originated there. It was adapted and popularized commercially by singers like Gracie Fields under the bowdlerized title of "Bless 'em All" so that in its officially sponsored form it functioned as a patriotic item of light entertainment. At the same time, versions of its folk original continued to be sung as an expression of protest by the soldiery. The text reproduced here was current in 2NZEF throughout World War 2.

Oh they say there's a troopship just leaving Bombay 10
Bound for old Blighty's shore, 11
Heavily laden with time-expired men
Bound for the land they adore;
There's many a twat 12 just finishing his time,
There's many a oval office signing on;
You'll get no promotion this side of the ocean,
So cheer up my lads, gently caress 'em all!
Chorus: gently caress 'em all!
gently caress 'em all!
The long and the short and the tall;
gently caress all the Sergeants and W.O.l.'s, 13
gently caress all the corporals and their bastard sons; 14
For we're saying goodbye to them all,
As up the C.O.'s arse they crawl; 15
You'll get no promotion this side of the ocean,
So cheer up my lads, gently caress 'em all!

The Fleet Air Arm of the British Royal Navy had its own version, as did the U.S. Army Air Force both in World War 2 and in the Korean War. 16 Numerous adaptations circulated in the Pacific theatre, including the following. 17

They called for the army to come to Tulagi, 18
But Douglas MacArthur 19 said no;
They said there's a reason,
It isn't the season,
Besides there's no USO. 20
Chorus: gently caress 'em all! gently caress 'em all!
The long, the short, the tall;
gently caress all the Pelicans and Dogfaces too, 21
gently caress all the generals and above all gently caress you!
So we're saying goodbye to them all,
As back to our foxholes we crawl;
There'll be no promotion on MacArthur's blue ocean,
So cheer up Gyrenes, gently caress 'em all.

Two additional verses circulating in the Marine Corps were: 22

They sent for the Navy to come to Tulagi,
The gallant Navy agreed;
With one thousand sections
In different directions,
My God! What a hosed-up stampede!
Chorus: gently caress 'em all, etc.

They sent for the nurses to come overseas,
The reason was perfectly clear,
To make a good marriage and push a carriage
While loving all hands, my dear!

Chorus: gently caress 'em all, etc.

Finally a version collected from a G.I. returning from Germany. 23

Just think of the boys at the front,
No beer, no whisky, no oval office;
They sit in their trenches
And think of their wenches,
So cheer up, my boys, gently caress 'em all! etc.
The most celebrated example of the trans-national proliferation of a wartime song is the German popular success, "Lili Marlene". This was listened to, played and sung in various languages by the German, British and U.S. contestants in World War 2 in Europe and its melody was used as the vehicle for an extensive family of parodies, adaptations and improvisations. For instance, a commentary on the predicament of the Wehrmacht on the Eastern entitled "In Dem Western Moskaus" ("To the West of Moscow"), likened the fate of Adolf Hitler to that of Napoleon before him. At least one obscene version, in which the singer imagined himself having sexual intercourse with Lili, circulated among German Afrika Korps troops in the Middle East. British Eighth Army soldiers fighting on the Italian Front borrowed the tune to compose a bitter complaint about being called "D-Day Dodgers". New Zealand troops fighting in Italy used it to demand that their Prime Minister should have them returned to their homeland. Americans awaiting repatriation in the Fifth Army in 1945 directed a similar appeal for deliverance to President Truman. 24

Please Mr. Truman, let the boys go home,
We have conquered Naples and liberated Rome;
We have subdued the Master Race,
There are no Krauts for us to face;
Oh please let us go home,
Let the boys at home see Rome, etc.
Folklore and the Military Environment

These texts demonstrate the continuity of particular folksongs across time in an environment especially suited to their oral transmission. Notwithstanding all the benefits of official programmes of sport, recreation and welfare, troops' entertainments in the field at the unit level in World War 2 depended greatly on the impromptu talents of individuals who acted as linkages for the oral transmission of a traditional store of folklore. Songs that were current among British and Commonwealth troops like "O'Reilly's Daughter", "Samuel Hall", "The Soldier's Prayer", "The Lousy Lance-Corporal", "The Foreskin Fusiliers", "Fred Karno's Army" and "gently caress 'em All" were derived from the oral sub-culture of the professional pre-World War 2 army. A variety of obscene compositions like "Abdullah Bulbul Emir", "The Ball o'Kirriemuir", "Eskimo Nell", "In Mobile", "The Good Ship Venus" and " The Winnipeg Whore" came from the common legacy of folk utterance current in British-speaking countries in the 1930's. In the military sphere it found a perfect field of uninhibited amplification. The performers of such songs had the same function as the narrators of folk tales. They do not necessarily originate their subject matter, they learn it from some convenient source and subsequently give performances themselves, perhaps changing and enriching its content and certainly interpreting it. In the case of the folk singer this requires a keen memory, the ability to play a musical instrument and perhaps to sing tunefully.

Performance was highly informal and was often accompanied by the consumption of liquor at unit or sub-unit gatherings where people mingled, exchanged anecdotes, renewed friendships, sang choruses and indulged in crude horseplay. The circumstances of wartime services life favour the emergence of folk narrators and entertainers working within a tradition that depends on such talents and such a milieu. The men who sang the songs cited in this study did so without much reliance on published sources. They learned their words by listening to the performances of others, or they relied on hand-written copies of lyrics made by their originators or by those in the originators' audiences, 25 and they made use of simple, well-known tunes that could be remembered easily and which did not require any special musical skill to reproduce. They were dependent on the spoken word because they had virtually no access to print media; there were no transistorized radios or portable record players; they were temporarily obliged to live closely together in isolated communities; and though much of what they sang was abrasive, comic and crudely demotic, it was tolerated and uncensored. The chief locale for these activities was the training camp, the troopship or the unit billet or bivouac behind the lines, but this did not impose any limitations on the spread of material from one formation to another, from one generation to another, and even from one country to another.

Folksong as Secular Prayer

Some soldiers' songs can be seen as a kind of secular prayer because they either convey a plea for salvation from distress or they make use of well-known hymn tunes like "The Church's One Foundation", "Holy, Holy, Holy" and "Onward Christian Soldiers" that were a familiar part of the popular culture of the British homeland. In 1914 this was still embedded in an active tradition of Christian worship and a 19th century evangelical movement that was not only a source of inspiration to believers, but also offered comfort to the downtrodden and oppressed. Thus British soldiers in World War 1 were singing songs like "When this Bloody War is Over" (to the tune of "Take it to the Lord in Prayer"), "Raining, Raining, Raining" ("Holy, Holy, Holy") and "We've Had no Beer" ("Lead Kindly Light"). In modern times the tradition of religious worship may have lost much of its widespread currency, though, interestingly, a popular refrain among U.S. troops in Vietnam used the tune of a Negro Spiritual "All My Trials, Lord, Soon be Over" as the performers counted the days before they might rotate home, or become casualties. Certainly among British and Commonwealth soldiers in World War 2 a repertoire of hymns like "He Careth for Me" and "When the Roll is Called up Yonder" were a regular part of the brief interdenominational services that were held by the Salvation Army and YMCA and were enjoyed as part of the social life of most military camps. This is not to deny that some soldiers may have been sustained by a personal religious faith, but the majority would never publicly or in any way openly express themselves in formal prayer. Yet many ribald parodies contain direct echoes of this tradition of Christian prayer and belief in the possibility of deliverance from danger and evil. As songs rather than mundane words they signalled a degree of reassurance and even affirmation when confronted by experiences and terrors for which no official explanation seemed adequate. Hymn tunes were thus a cultural vehicle for the long and deadly struggle to survive of the ordinary soldier.

So, "The Soldier's Prayer" has been a traditional part of the repertoire of the rank and-file British soldier for at least 100 years. Although it contains blasphemous sentiment it is essentially an appeal for deliverance from over-bearing and hated authority. The combined-operations basis involving a soldier and a sailor, and the abusive reference to "our Queen" suggest Victorian origins, perhaps during the Crimea campaign. However, it was still being sung in this form in 2NZEF in 1943.

Oh a soldier and a sailor were talking one day;
Said the soldier to the sailor let us kneel down and pray,
And for each thing we pray for may we also have ten,
And at the end of every chorus we will both sing, Amen!

Now the first thing we'll pray for, we'll pray for some beer,
And if we only get some it will bring us good cheer,
And if we have one beer may we also have ten;
May we have a loving brewery, said the sailor, Amen!
Now the next thing we'll pray for, we'll pray for some oval office.
And if we only get some it will make us all grunt,
And if we have one oval office may we also have ten,
May we have a loving knockshop, said the sailor, Amen!

Now the next thing we'll pray for, we'll pray for our Queen,
To us a bloody old bastard she's been,
And if she has one son, may she also have ten,
May she have a bloody regiment, said the sailor, Amen!

Now all you young officers and NCOs too,
With your hands in your pockets and gently caress-all to do,
When you stand on street corners abusing us men,
May the Lord come down and gently caress you all, said the sailor, Amen!

Strategic Cursing, Insult and Obscenity

The singing of such songs, particularly when they are directed against specific targets, may be regarded as a demonstration of traditional liberties of criticism and insult, exemplified in Roman times in the form of satirical songs against Julius Caesar by his soldiers who accused him of "having fed them nothing but cabbages". 26 The complaints about food, common to all armies, are a perpetuation of this tradition. The presentation of one's unit as a band of ignominious self-seeking cowards rather than as valiant battlefield heroes is a self-inflicted insult as well as a comic demolition of the entire military enterprise. Thus "Fred Karno's Army" was sung to the tune of "The Church's One Foundation" by British and Commonwealth troops in both world wars. Karno was an English music hall comedian during World War 1 who specialized in the portrayal of comic inefficiency. In World War 2 versions, the Kaiser is replaced by "Old Hitler"

We are Fred Karno's army,
The ragtime infantry,
We cannot fight, we cannot shoot,
No bloody use are we;
But when we get to Berlin
The Kaiser he will say,
Hoch! Hoch! Mein Gott!
What a bloody fine lot, The ragtime infantry.
Another unheroic caricature of military life called "The Foreskin Fusiliers" could be heard among British and Commonwealth troops in World War 2.

Eyes right!
Buttons bright!
Bayonets to the rear!
We're the boys who make no noise, 27
We're always full of beer;
We're the heroes of the night
And we'd rather gently caress than fight,
We're the heroes of the Foreskin Fusiliers. 28
A formidable enemy can be psychologically diminished by investing it with ludicrous and demeaning imagery. Throughout World War 2, British and commonwealth troops sang to the tune of "Colonel Bogey" a marching song which alleged that the Nazi leadership was sexually abnormal.

Hitler has only got one ball, 29
Goering has got two, but very snall.
Himmler has something similar,
But poor old Goebbels has no balls at all.
The following doggerel verse, collected from 2NZEF servicemen in 1940, is another example of strategic cursing and insult directed at an enemy. Originally entitled "Kaiser Wilhelm, Son of Satan" and of World War 1 origins, 30 it contains a number of Australian slang expressions and has similarities to the Australian folk recitation "The Bastard from the Bush". This was current in New Zealand in the 1930's as part of a common store of Australasian folk culture that included such obscene classics as "The Ring Dang Doo", "The Old Red Flannel Drawers that Maggie Wore" and a bawdy version of "The Road to Gundagau .

Adolph Hitler, son of Satan, may bad luck fall on you,
May ills and chills beset you, may your testicles turn blue,
May you have to hump your bluey 31 and be forced to take a job
Of skinning cancered jumbucks 32 at a wage of seven bob; 33
May itching penis torment you, may corns grow on your feet,
And crabs as big as spiders attack your balls a treat;
And when at last you're finished, a helpless, hopeless wreck,
May you step back through your arsehole and break your loving neck,
You bastard!
Some of the licensed obscenities of soldiers may be grounded in a folk belief about the advisability of turning away any compliment with a deprecatory remark that might serve to ward off the evil eye. "gently caress you", "go gently caress yourself", "get hosed", "gently caress off" and "loving" used as an adjectival modifier were derogatory usages that were voluminously used by some soldiers to deride or devalue anything of a serious nature that was said by anyone. Soldiers by the hazardous nature of their trade have a sharp interest in the techniques of averting danger by such devices, hence the carrying of talismans and good luck charms, the naming of weapons, aircraft and ships in affectionate easily identifiable and reassuring terms along with the performance of pre-combat rituals in the hope that "correct", carefully planned behavior will avert misfortune. 34 Psychologically the violent obscenity of many soldiers' jokes and songs also gives vent to their anger and sexual frustration. Certainly the moving thread that runs through all such material is the presentation of life as an ironic, comic and sometimes violently savage fantasy.

Folklore and Sexual Fantasy

The uninhibited environment of the services in World War 2 allowed not only the open expression of the sexual folklore of the era (revolving round such mythic figures of the erotic imagination as Tiger Lily, Lulu the Zulu, Eskimo Nell, Salome, Charlotte the Harlot, the Winnipeg Whore and Frau Wirtin) but it also encouraged the composition of many songs that directly reflected the troops' own immediate frustrations and obsessions. One of the most famous was "King Farouk". Sung widely throughout the British Eighth Army, to the tune of "Salaam el Malik" (the Egyptian national anthem), this expressed typical working class reactions towards a corrupt, inequitable regime as well as the sexual fantasies of a male sub-culture excited by the glamorous trappings of female royalty. Farouk as despotic tyrant symbolized the fact that all the power and wealth of Egypt rested in the hands of about five per cent of the population. His Queen, the youthful, shapely and attractive Farida, was an object of sexual fantasy in which she was depicted as being wholly subservient to the despot to the extent of practicing prostitution at his command, on condition that he received the money. She could thus be taken to represent the remaining 95 per cent of the population who owned practically nothing in the material sense, and who had virtually no hope of improving their station in life.

Oh we're all black bastards
And we all love our king,
Stanna shwya, kwise kateer,
Mungarya, bardin. 35
Old King Farouk
Put Farida up the chute 36
Stanna shwya, pull your wire, 37
King Farouk, bardin.

Queen Farida, Queen Farida,
All the boys want to ride her.
But they never had a chance
Their ambition to enhance;
Stanna shwya, pull your wire,
King Farouk, bardin.

The following variant was also widely sung.

King Farouk, the big black brute, 38
Put Farida up the chute,
Then went for a week
To Skanderia 39 on the scoot; 40
Now the poor little Queen's
Got another pup 41 to wean,
Kwise kateer, mungariya,
Shufti kush, bardin. 42

This version then concludes with a direct reference to Farouk's pro-Axis sympathies.

And this song that you've heard
Is the song the Gyppos sing,
And they'd sing just the same
If they'd Rommel for a King; 43
Kwise kateer, Rommel dear,
Kwise kateer, Rommel dear,
Oh we're glad you've won the battle
And we're so bucked you're here.

Then sing Sig Heil for Egypt's King,
And to his feet your tributes bring;
Kwise kateer, King Farouk,
Kwise kateer, King Farouk,
Oh you can't gently caress Farida
If you don't pay Farouk.
These references to Farouk as an over-weight pimp also place this song in the medieval tradition of flyting or "contest-in-insult". 44 In lighter vein, British and American sources also composed songs about female stereotypes which they devised in order to satirise the behaviour of the civil populations of the areas they occupied. Some writers attribute "Venal Vera" to Quentin Reynolds, the famous Canadian war correspondent who was supposed to have composed it at the request of British security officials concerned about the espionage problem in Cairo, but a New Zealand informant states that he heard a version sung at a guest night in a Royal Air Force mess in Cairo by a subaltern in the 11th Hussars in 1937. Whatever the case, the song refers to the sexual license of life in wartime Cairo and expresses some of the frontline soldier's contempt for the behaviour of the staff in rear areas.

They call me Venal Vera,
I'm a lovely from Gezira; 45
The Fuhrer pays me well for what I do;
The order of the battle
I obtained from last night's wrestle
On a golf course with a Brigadier from Q, 46 etc.
A chain of doggerel-verse and topical-song writers generated images of the sort of female company that troops encountered in foreign territories. "Dirty Gertie from Bizerte" was composed by Pte William L. Russell at Camp Lee, Virginia. Numerous imitations included "Stella the Bella of Fedela", "Fanny of Trapani" and "Luscious Lena of Messina". 47

Luscious Lena from Messina
Cutest thing you've ever seena;
All the G.I.s dream--a queena;
Oh that skin of sultry sheena!
When you go into Messina,
She will drink from your canteena;
She won't sock you on the beana,
But will purr like a machina;
When you walk through fields so greena
With this lovely, luscious Lena,
She will say: "No bambina..."
(Hard to keep this ending cleena).
Finally another Italian version, "The Belle of Capri" appeared in The Stars and Stripes . 48

We've had Stella the Bella of Fedela,
And Gertie that wench from Bizerte,
And fat, filthy Fanny from far-off Trapani,
And other girls not so alerte.
Now the theme of this ditty concerns not a city
But yes -- you've guessed it -- a girl;
Though she's lousy with vermin and built like a Sherman, 49
Her smile's full of mother-of-pearl.

Here's to Tina the belle signorina,
The toast of the Isle of Capri!
She brought fame and glory in song and story,
Her love, like her life, has been free.

While that husband is missing 50
She doesn't waste kissing
On fishermen down by the sea;
For the G.I.s have landed
And now are commanded
By Tina the Belle of Capri.

The sexual excesses and the heat and filth of Egypt were critically described in several songs and recitations that were current in the British Eighth Army in World War 2. One of these was "The Anzac's Farewell to Egypt". This is probably of Australian origins in World War 1, but it was still being sung by New Zealand troops over 20 years later.

Land of heat and sweaty socks,
Sin and sand and tons of pox,
Streets of sorrow, streets of shame,
Streets to which we give no name;
Harlots, thieves and pestering wogs,
Stinks and dirt and sneaking dogs,
Flies that drive a man insane,
Make him curse with oath profane:
Blazing heat and aching feet,
Gyppo guts and camel meat,
Clouds of choking dust that blind,
Drive a man clean off his mind;
The Arab's heaven -- soldier's hell,
Land of Bastards, fare thee well!
"The Soldier's Lament", another song that was current among New Zealand troops in the Middle East in World War 2, refers to "Susan and Tarzan and Lulu", well-known prostitutes in Cairo's brothel district, the Berkha.

Oh I've a sad story to tell you,
A story you ain't heard before,
Concerning my sad adventures
At the time of the second Great War.
One night as I strolled down the Berkha,
That horrible street of ill fame,
Got to know all the dirty old harlots,
Got to know them all by their names.

There was Susan and Tarzan and Lulu,
They did it this way and that,
They copied the gestures of animals,
Even the dog and the cat.

They lay on their backs and their bellies,
They charged ten ackers 51 a time;
And if you had felousse in your pocket 52
You could get a good place in the line. 53

Oh now I am fed up with Egypt,
This land of sin, pox and shame,
Where I lost my good reputation,
And only the army's to blame.

Oh bury me out in the desert,
Where the shite hawks 54 may pick at my bones;
With a bottle of Pilsener 55 beside me,
So I won't be so very alone.

Speculations and Conclusions

Not all the songs current among soldiers are testimonials to alienation, are resistant to authority or critical of political and military leadership. Some are pre-occupied with sexual fantasies, others are parodies and facsimiles of the popular entertainment of the homeland which emphasizes patriotic and romantic sentiments in conformity to conventional mass media presentations of military life and whatever strategic objectives a particular military force might officially be pursuing. But co-existent with officially endorsed entertainment is a stream of potentially subversive criticism and dissent illustrated by the typical examples reproduced here. These can be analysed as improvisations suited to the wartime, frontier-style, male-dominant, community life of soldiers in camps and bivouacs. Because the heightening of group cohesion is valuable for military morale, any tendencies towards irreverence or idiosyncratic expression which their content exhibits are tolerated under the mantle of comic licence. This gives the folklore of soldiers (or for that matter any comparable occupational group faced with hazardous and uncomfortable work conditions) an important integratory, social control function. The democratic soldier can accept the discomfort and personal risks involved in service for the State as long as he is permitted to grumble, protest and joke about his fate, to ridicule his leaders and to assert his essential autonomy and personal dignity, even at the cannon's mouth.

Alternatively, a socio-political analysis of the meaning of this material as protest would emphasise its oppositional qualities and its implicit challenge to the military order. As occupational folklore it does much more than strengthen group cohesion. "I Don't Want to be a Soldier" and "The Soldier's Prayer" are statements of working class solidarity against authority which contain the ultimate seeds of refusal of duty, rebellion and mutiny. If it is accepted that wartime military power in Western armies is a supportive part of the apparatus of Capitalism, then in a Marxist sense, the folklore of soldiers is more than an expressive form of resistance to the ideological hegemony of Capitalism; it has the power to confront it with explicit demands as New Zealand soldiers did with their appeal to their Prime Minister and American soldiers did with "Please Mr. Truman". As performance, its "use value" is no less than the preservation of the soldier's own life from the relentless forces of wartime military consumption. 56

E: Sorry, quoting the whole thing messed up the formatting bad. Here's where I got it from:

https://faculty.buffalostate.edu/fishlm/folksongs/cleveland-powerless.htm

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy
I'm reading about the battle of Borodino and there's been a lot of discussion and emphasis on the use, and usefulness, of various fortifications: redoubts, lunettes and fleches

was this a thing in other Napoleonic battles?

i say swears online
Mar 4, 2005

many may have happened too quickly for defenders to properly prepare

StashAugustine
Mar 24, 2013

Do not trust in hope- it will betray you! Only faith and hatred sustain.

Yeah like at Austerlitz the French didn't have time to dig field works, while at Wagram the Austrians did have time to build redoubts (badly) (in the wrong placel) (which they then abandoned)

Cookie Cutter
Nov 29, 2020

Is there something else that's bothering you Mr. President?

Napoleon, famously not singling out minorities for massacre, just ask anyone in the Caribbean and La Reunion. Not European so they don't count, very French tbh

StashAugustine
Mar 24, 2013

Do not trust in hope- it will betray you! Only faith and hatred sustain.

reading the myth of the eastern front and its cool how one of the reasons given by both German and American generals for exonerated nazi war criminals in the early 50s is openly admitting that the US was also doing all sorts of war crimes in Korea

Azathoth
Apr 3, 2001

StashAugustine posted:

reading the myth of the eastern front and its cool how one of the reasons given by both German and American generals for exonerated nazi war criminals in the early 50s is openly admitting that the US was also doing all sorts of war crimes in Korea

we did plenty of warcrimes in ww2, we just kept doing them in Korea as well

MikeCrotch
Nov 5, 2011

I AM UNJUSTIFIABLY PROUD OF MY SPAGHETTI BOLOGNESE RECIPE

YES, IT IS AN INCREDIBLY SIMPLE DISH

NO, IT IS NOT NORMAL TO USE A PEPPERAMI INSTEAD OF MINCED MEAT

YES, THERE IS TOO MUCH SALT IN MY RECIPE

NO, I WON'T STOP SHARING IT

more like BOLLOCKnese

Cookie Cutter posted:

Napoleon, famously not singling out minorities for massacre, just ask anyone in the Caribbean and La Reunion. Not European so they don't count, very French tbh

Ah but you see he said he regretted it later

Slavvy
Dec 11, 2012

I like my despots unrepentant

Some Guy TT
Aug 30, 2011

i have a question about the stasi to what extent is the popular perception that literally everyone in east germany was monitored by stasi agents true compared to this statement requiring extremely generous definitions of "monitored" and "agents" that dont apply to how those words are used when describing how the intelligence services function in other countries

Teriyaki Hairpiece
Dec 29, 2006

I'm nae the voice o' the darkened thistle, but th' darkened thistle cannae bear the sight o' our Bonnie Prince Bernie nae mair.

StashAugustine posted:

reading the myth of the eastern front and its cool how one of the reasons given by both German and American generals for exonerated nazi war criminals in the early 50s is openly admitting that the US was also doing all sorts of war crimes in Korea
It's weird how it's always the losers in war that do all the war crimes

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy

Some Guy TT posted:

i have a question about the stasi to what extent is the popular perception that literally everyone in east germany was monitored by stasi agents true compared to this statement requiring extremely generous definitions of "monitored" and "agents" that dont apply to how those words are used when describing how the intelligence services function in other countries

taken from "Becoming East German", by Fulbrook and Port



...



...




apologies for the chunky highlight in that last bit, but a close reading should reveal why I thought it was so important

Weka
May 5, 2019

That child totally had it coming. Nobody should be able to be out at dusk except cars.

Slavvy posted:

I like my despots unrepentant

stalin ftw

Orange Devil
Oct 1, 2010

Wullie's reign cannae smother the flames o' equality!

Teriyaki Hairpiece posted:

It's weird how it's always the losers in war that do all the war crimes

Not weird at all, it just means the good guys always win just like in my favorite movies!

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ArmedZombie
Jun 6, 2004

Some Guy TT posted:

i have a question about the stasi to what extent is the popular perception that literally everyone in east germany was monitored by stasi agents true compared to this statement requiring extremely generous definitions of "monitored" and "agents" that dont apply to how those words are used when describing how the intelligence services function in other countries

the lives of others is a documentary

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