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asdf32
May 15, 2010

I lust for childrens' deaths. Ask me about how I don't care if my kids die.
If one thing has become clear in recent western politics its that identity matters. A problem for the left is that the right own the entire idea of a national identity. Practically speaking I think the left needs to pilfer from history (positive American or western accomplishment - yes there have been many) to build coherent competing positive moral/political/national identities and stories (which could hopefully be weaved together with global goals). The right has a positive idea of what America stands for (despite many individual things they hate). The left could too.

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Fojar38
Sep 2, 2011


Sorry I meant to say I hope that the police use maximum force and kill or maim a bunch of innocent people, thus paving a way for a proletarian uprising and socialist utopia


also here's a stupid take
---------------------------->
For Americans in particular there is a whole lot of national mythology that the Left could claim as the Right becomes more and more ideologically bankrupt. If the Right wants to stand with Nazis and Neo-Confederates, the Left should claim WW2 GI's and Civil War Unionists

CAPS LOCK BROKEN
Feb 1, 2006

by Fluffdaddy

Fojar38 posted:

WW2 GI's and Civil War Unionists

OwlFancier
Aug 22, 2013

There ultimately aren't any elements of the nation that the left can co-opt without diluting its own message because its message is fundamentally anti-nationalist, and if it tries to be nationalist it stops being leftist in the sense that it stops being able to address the problems in people's lives, because many of those are caused by nationalism. Particularly if you're trying to claim previous nationalist efforts as your own, you run into the problem that when you get down to it they weren't really that concerned with people's welfare either.

And further if you feed that kind of thinking you set yourself up for the right to do it better, because they really can go all in on nationalism.

OwlFancier fucked around with this message at 04:07 on Dec 23, 2019

Bar Ran Dun
Jan 22, 2006




Origin has to be in conjuction with expectation. So one would have have show that the national myth should conclude with the expectation of a classless society.

asdf32
May 15, 2010

I lust for childrens' deaths. Ask me about how I don't care if my kids die.

OwlFancier posted:

There ultimately aren't any elements of the nation that the left can co-opt without diluting its own message because its message is fundamentally anti-nationalist, and if it tries to be nationalist it stops being leftist in the sense that it stops being able to address the problems in people's lives, because many of those are caused by nationalism. Particularly if you're trying to claim previous nationalist efforts as your own, you run into the problem that when you get down to it they weren't really that concerned with people's welfare either.

And further if you feed that kind of thinking you set yourself up for the right to do it better, because they really can go all in on nationalism.

Nationalism and populism are among the most dangerous forces on earth but I think political success demands some of both especially when your opponent is already using them.

Direct appeals to globalism are probably political suicide but it’s easy to imagine a positive national identity that ties cooperation, generosity and pragmatism to strength and leadership.

OwlFancier
Aug 22, 2013

It's easy to imagine only if you don't think about it much. Because the reality is national projects which focus on "strength" and "leadership" become, through the filtering effects of the structure of the nation state, simply top down rule by an uncaring elite and pointless and ultimately ineffective warmongering and draconian domestic policy.

Because those things already exist, they're already latent in the structure of our countries, either you want to root them out and solve the problems they cause, or you want to appeal to them to win elections, and continue to perpetuate them and their problems.

It is, in fact, near impossible for me to imagine what you're describing because I understand that the nation does not care about me or anyone else, I can not imagine a caring or generous nation, such a thing does not exist and never has.

OwlFancier fucked around with this message at 05:01 on Dec 23, 2019

Beefeater1980
Sep 12, 2008

My God, it's full of Horatios!






The point about a unifying identity is a strong one though. The Left’s unifying identity is that everyone who doesn’t survive purely by owning capital is part of the same class: the working class.

The right’s is that class doesn’t matter, what matters is being $yournationalityhere.

You’d think that the right was set up to lose this one. After all, there are a lot more people who are in the working class than there are from any particular country, and in any one country there are a lot more working class people than true bourgeois or aristocrats.

But IMO the left has two problems getting that message out:

1. It lets the right define “working class” too narrowly. It doesn’t only mean working in t’mines. It means your income comes from work not investments. That’s the 99%; in fact it’s probably the 99.5%. It’s people we tend not to think of as working class: doctors, bankers, lawyers, PR execs. If your income comes from working, you share the interests of the working class. Importantly, it also covers the kind of job or life you might aspire to - even if you “win”, the game is still rigged against you if you sell your labour.

2. It doesn’t do enough to challenge the message that some other aspect of a person’s identity (sex, sexuality, ethnicity, whatever) is their real identity and more important than being part of the working class. This is a killer IMO because the prejudice against minority groups in most countries is so extreme that fixing it has to be a major priority for the left, or what are we even for? But that support needs to be given in a way that doesn’t override people’s identity as part of the working class.

If we can do 2, we can handle nationalism as well because a person’s national identity can be recast as part of who they are (while still having class interests defined by being part of the working class), instead of 100% of who they are. This will do a lot to neutralise the right.

Fundamentally the left is a mass movement. Division is poison in a way it’s not for the conservative right.

OwlFancier
Aug 22, 2013

I would probably suggest that national identity is in direct opposition to class identity in a way that many other identities are not. Because alot of identities are formed out of shared disempowerment, nationalism is exactly the opposite of that unless you're like, a former african colony looking to throw off the yoke of europe.

But as far as it applies to most of us nationalism is a constructed, fundamentally inconsistent and incoherent identity that exists entirely to make working class people see themselves as part of the same thing as their oppressors. It's perhaps most clearly the case for white nationalism and fascism generally which tries to tell people that the reason your boss would kill you as soon as look at you if it made him richer is because of foreigners/black people/feminism/whatever else is clearly not the problem but which might potentially contribute to anti-nationalist and anti-capitalist sentiment.

Because those other forms of identity are quite compatible with leftism, because they represent systems of oppression that intersect with capitalism and you need their input to solve those problems.

Beefeater1980
Sep 12, 2008

My God, it's full of Horatios!






Yess kinda? National identity is a fiction, sure, but coming from place X is a fact and affects how other people treat you.

Other aspects that people can make parts of their identity aren’t inherently anti-oppression either: TERFs are a Thing, and living in China for the past decade I’ve met plenty of American, British or Canadian-born Chinese who came over with their experience of being marginalised overseas and ended up buying into full on Han nationalism (which is directly oppressive of minorities), because they get to be the assholes in charge this time, and who can blame them?

OwlFancier
Aug 22, 2013

Not all other forms of identity are compatible no, but I think that intersectional politics among the left is a far more coherent concept than is left-nationalism. And a lot of the people who want do left-nationalism make intersectionality the thing they're explicitly campaigning against, because they're easy targets and traditionally also they're groups that other nationalists hate and persecute anyway. And also left-nationalists are generally assholes too.

Ultimately people who have been left behind by the nation for economic reasons and for reasons like race, gender, or sexuality, are all people we can find common, non-nationalist ground with.

Harold Fjord
Jan 3, 2004
You gotta break out the scifi poo poo. When Martians attack, we're all Earthlings. Ozymandius was right

Beefeater1980
Sep 12, 2008

My God, it's full of Horatios!






OwlFancier posted:

Ultimately people who have been left behind by the nation for economic reasons and for reasons like race, gender, or sexuality, are all people we can find common, non-nationalist ground with.

Yes - I mean if anything that’s our core. But we need to be unified by our common struggle, otherwise we spend all our time bickering about which dimension of oppression is most important and that makes it hard to maintain a unified front.

It’s actually quite refreshing seeing USGoons’ contempt for Pete Buttigieg; the focus doesn’t seem to have been on him being from a marginalised group, it’s been on his pure 100% alignment with all the worst parts of the ruling class.

OwlFancier
Aug 22, 2013

I would be hesitant to describe the majority of the left as being prone to that sort of bickering to be honest. Generally people actually are concerned about actual problems with getting their needs represented. And while people might discuss or argue about it, I don't think there is a particular problem presenting a united front other than when people actually start getting cut out of the platform. Which, I mean, is a thing to complain about?

Don't throw people under the bus and I think the left does quite well on presenting a united front. To the point that the right likes to try extra hard to represent us as being a bunch of effete liberals who don't know about t'real struggles of t'working man in t'factory who only eats racism and dripping.

Beefeater1980
Sep 12, 2008

My God, it's full of Horatios!






OwlFancier posted:

I would be hesitant to describe the majority of the left as being prone to that sort of bickering to be honest. Generally people actually are concerned about actual problems with getting their needs represented. And while people might discuss or argue about it, I don't think there is a particular problem presenting a united front other than when people actually start getting cut out of the platform. Which, I mean, is a thing to complain about?

Don't throw people under the bus and I think the left does quite well on presenting a united front. To the point that the right likes to try extra hard to represent us as being a bunch of effete liberals who don't know about t'real struggles of t'working man in t'factory who only eats racism and dripping.

Yeah fair enough. I may be buying into the propaganda here myself, or being overly influenced by the vitriol that can pop up on social media. Twitter really is toxic tbh.

OwlFancier
Aug 22, 2013

I mean yeah there's people who will have yelling matches on twitter, but I think during the election the left presented a very united front, the only wobble I can think of was re: the GRA reform stuff because the leadership did go a bit... suspicious with their takes on the subject. It's a legitimate concern cos that's people's welfare on the line there and if they're giving their time and money to the campaign they deserve to be represented, even absent the moral obligation.

Since the loss there's been a lot more arguing but that's what this time is for, people held a lot of it in for the campaign precisely to present a united front when it really mattered, but now is the time to start picking apart the loss and air your grievances, so that they hopefully won't come up the next time.

Guildencrantz
May 1, 2012

IM ONE OF THE GOOD ONES
IMO it's largely impossible for the Left to reclaim flags and nations and gain anything from it, because it's not the actual symbolic identity crap that attracts people to the Right. Neonationalism is appealing because it's exclusionary. Maybe it's different in the US, but in any European country, you can communicate entirely by singing the national anthem and you won't reclaim a single voter from anti-immigrant parties if you don't want to close the borders. You can if you just straight up abandon genuine internationalism in favor of valuing the comfort of "your" people above the lives of others.

Case in point: Denmark. The Danish social democrats were able to win elections by combining a defense and expansion of the welfare state with closed borders and essentially racist policies against non-ethnic Danes. They didn't shift their rhetoric and aesthetic to be more rah-rah patriotic, they couched the racist policies in boring socdem technocracy. And they won, because people mainly wanted the making GBS threads on immigrants part and could live without the harping on about national traditions part, not the other way around.

CAPS LOCK BROKEN
Feb 1, 2006

by Fluffdaddy
The Democratic Party Is Not What You Think

Extremely important read from Sophia Burns about the tightly wound nature of "progressive" politics in the US as an appendage and front organization for the democrats:

quote:

On paper, the Democratic Party is a broad coalition. In practice, it is a cadre party.

It is controlled by professional Democrats – activist NGO managers, politicians’ staffers, “political operatives,” etc. These cadres set the Party’s priorities, oversee its day-to-day work, and keep any potential leftist competition under control. Some of them work for the Democratic Party proper, but most don’t. Officially, their “progressive nonprofit” employers aren’t Democrat-affiliated. Materially, they are the Democratic Party’s front groups. The small, self-selecting core uses them to bring in supporters. It’s not coincidence that the same person grant-writing for Greenpeace one year is working for Emily’s List the next. It’s the same people. They are their Party’s cadre structure, and they keep their front groups in line.

Sure, they align with different internal factions. Their competition is important enough to keep plenty of political reporters employed. But the drama of Bernie vs. Hillary obscures a deeper, more important reality. The faction fights and power struggles never step outside the overarching ideological boundaries of the Democratic “party line.” Sure, Berniecrats want comparatively more social programs, and Hillary supporters comparatively fewer. However, none of them deviates from the Party’s core program:

-A capitalist economy with some regulation, but very little state ownership;
-Collaboration between the government and businesses for “job creation” and social services provision;
-Social liberalism, expressed through moderate affirmative action, anti-discrimination laws, official statements of support for oppressed demographics, and a few changes to -police codes of conduct;
-An expansive military through which the US enforces its global hegemony;
-Nominal support for immigrants’ rights, but without full amnesty or open borders;
-Opposition to expanding ballot access for minor parties;
-A day-to-day political practice of lobbying, running campaigns for office, and symbolic “expressive protest.”

She makes an interesting point about how even "revolutionary" organizations not affiliated with the party depend on party machinery in order to carry out their activities:

quote:

Leninist organizations run fronts of their own, attempting to imitate the more successful Democratic ones. However, they also depend on the Democratic base. They draw on the same pool of activists, advocate for the same causes, and usually show up at the same demonstrations. So, they only attract support when they hide their Leninist affiliation and follow the Democrats’ lead – as Refuse Fascism (a Revolutionary Communist Party front) discovered in November, when it called for protests without Democratic support and nobody came.

Additionally, there are words about how successful independent organizations eventually get cooped by professional Democrats. Take for example, the Greater Seattle Neighborhood Action Coalition, formed after trump by grassroots leftists, along with a significant number of professional democrats working for SEIU and other front groups. While the communists feuded with each other over minutiae, the liberals moved in lockstep and eventually took over the organization and neutered it completely.


As far as her prescriptions go:

quote:

Well, what does the Left want? Strategy follows goals; tactics follow strategy. For revolutionaries, the goal is to literally overthrow the government. Revolution means replacing the existing political and economic system with a better one, based on the mass cooperative control of economic, cultural, and political life. The working class carries out all the activities that sustain human life and society. However, it’s excluded from power and subjected to oppression by the capitalist class of business owners and investors. So, it has the ability to carry out a revolution – the capitalists need it, but it doesn’t need them. Further, because of its position of exploitation, it stands to benefit from the abolition of class distinctions.

But how, exactly, can it go about that? If revolution isn’t on the menu yet, what’s the path from here to there? Well, the working-class must become a well-organized social force – so well organized that it can exercise power and assert its interests, even when the the ruling class uses violence to try to stop it. So, carrying out a revolution means first developing an institutional infrastructure capable of directly combatting the capitalist state. In communist lingo, a structure like that competing with the government is called “dual power.”

Now, base-building is slow. It’s a grind. It’s not sexy and it’s rarely cathartic. You don’t get the high of being one of thousands of people in a big demonstration, chanting and raising energy. You don’t get the quick gratification of networking with established activists and feeling like you’re part of an “authentic social movement.” Instead, you spend your time serving the people: creating constituencies by creating institutions and knitting them together, struggle by struggle, project by project.

The dual power strategy is not for the impatient. This work is too important to rush. There are no shortcuts. The activist subculture may look like one. And sure, taking over a ready-made base looks appealing, next to the difficulty of creating your own. However, it’s a pipe dream. The Democratic base can’t be separated from its Party. It only exists through that Party’s institutions.


I agree with this completely, the left needs a base in the US. This often means doing things that break the law, such as feeding the homeless without a commercial kitchen license, running free clinics with imported drugs (extremely illegal, and yet the FDA allows importation for personal use exactly because they know it is an effective relief valve for high costs), or creating night schools by the working class for the working class. All of these are much greater uses of lawbreaking in service of the people than infantile appeals to violence and revolution.

UnknownTarget
Sep 5, 2019

Can you give examples of the night schools thing? I'm interested.

CAPS LOCK BROKEN
Feb 1, 2006

by Fluffdaddy

UnknownTarget posted:

Can you give examples of the night schools thing? I'm interested.

Not specifically a night school, the BPP ran its own elementary school separate from the oakland school system:

At historic Black Panthers school, Black teachers were key to student success:

The Black Panther Party created one of the most durable bases in American politics and if left unchecked would've continued along the dual track path of empowerment.

Helsing
Aug 23, 2003

DON'T POST IN THE ELECTION THREAD UNLESS YOU :love::love::love: JOE BIDEN
This is a repost of something I wrote up in another thread in September but I think it is relevant here. Apologies for the wall of words but I think a survey of some of the scholarship on social movement organizing might be a helpful addition to this discussion.

----

I'll preface this by pointing out that there is a substantial and helpful literature on what causes new social movements to emerge and what factors can predict their relative success or failure. In what follows we'll see some examples of how this question is modeled. As with many realms of social science you get the familiar breakdown of macro and micro factors. As a general rule micro analysis focuses on the behaviour of individual agents and how they interact with each other (i.e. how does a firm decide whether to hire more workers or invest in more production). Macro analysis concerns systemic interdependence (i.e., how does the aggregated buying and selling of all the firms in the marketplace create systemic patterns that translate into things like booms and busts). There is a less common but important in-between level of analysis, the meso, which focuses on specific community or organization within a larger system (i.e. the dynamics and decision making within a specific firm; if micro looks at individual decisions and macro at larger scale interactions then the meso is the intermediate layer in which these two forces meet and are expressed via some specific institutional configuration, like a specific workplace or union or organization).

We tend toward macro analysis in this thread. We see the overall state of the country and how hosed up our politics are and think of what macro factors have caused this to happen. As it happens this is paralleled in the dominant literature on social movements. They too have various macro oriented models that try to explain when, how and why people choose to get involved in a social movement.

On the off chance this is compelling enough to anyone that they want to check out the full book for themselves you can access it here.

At the core of this literature is the idea of a "Social Movement Organization" (SMO),

Daniel Stockemer, The Micro and Meso Levels of Activism: A Comparative Case Study of Attac France and Attac Germany, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, p. 1-3 posted:

The Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, anti-nuclear protests, and the pro-peace mobilization of the 1980s, as well as gay and lesbian activism of the 1990s and 2000s, are examples where common people opted for engagement that goes beyond the process of ordinary politics (Morse, 1993). They displayed a deeper commitment to a political goal – political motivation that cannot be measured simply by casting a vote for a party (Mouriaux, 1983, p. 53). Citizen engagement has taken shape in the form of social movements, as defined by Sidney Tarrow. He understands social movements in the classical sense as “collective challenges by people with common purposes and solidarity in a sustained interaction with elites, opponents and authorities” (Tarrow, 1998, p. 3). Collective action defined in this way not only takes many forms, brief or sustained, institutionalized or disruptive, humdrum or dramatic, but also occurs within institutions on the part of constituted groups, which fight for clearly defined goals. These constituted groups are social movement organizations (SMOs),1 which are the meat and backbone of all social movements (Mayer and Ash, 1996). They attract and recruit people who want to fight for a cause via unconventional means; they are responsible for the organization and coordination of most unconventional political activities; and they provide the financial resources necessary to stage events and to train participants in creative forms of action (Rucht, 1999, p. 207).

Despite the fact that social movements cannot exist without SMOs, scholars, interested in collective action and protest, have mostly studied the former. Most studies have focused on the Civil Rights Movement or the alter-globalization movement (Della Porta, 2007c; McAdam, 1984; Tarrow, 1998; Tilly and Tarrow, 2007) employing macro-level theories, such as the political process model, the resource mobilization theory, and the relative deprivation approach. These theories help us to explain many facets of movement behavior. For example, owing to the relative deprivation approach, we know that the presence of aggrieved or frustrated people is a necessary societal precondition for the emergence of protest structures (Gurr, 1970). On account of the resource mobilization theory, we recognize that movement entrepreneurs must have the necessary financial and personal resources to organize daily movement activities and to stage large-scale protest events (McCarthy and Mayer, 1973). Finally, the political process model and, in particular, the opportunity structure framework posit that changes in the environment of a movement (e.g., splits in elites or the emergence of a large sponsor) can provide (temporary) opportunities for mobilization (Suh, 2001).
The opening or closing of these opportunities can explain the timing of the onset of large-scale protest activities, as well as the trajectory of protest cycles (McAdam, 1984). More broadly, structural theories have been extremely helpful in accounting for how movements behave, what strategies they employ, what repertoires of action they use, and how the relationship between the state and the movement (e.g., the degree of oppression) influences the movement’s success (McAdam, 1982, 1988, 1992; McAdam, Mayer, and McCarty, 1996; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, 1997; Tilly, 2004).

However, these same macro-level theories are often too reductionist to account for the circumstances under which some people opt to participate in unconventional forms of political action in a sustained way, while others refrain from doing so. In fact, unless all individuals, who are in an identical or similar structural position, display comparable behavioral patterns, a shared position in society can never provide a thorough explanation of individual behavior. Even if people behave similarly, the accompanying motives and motivations can still be different (van Stekelenburg and Klandermans, 2007). Rather than hinging merely on structure, the size of an SMO as well as the level of engagement of single activists frequently depend on the internal group dynamics of an organization. More so than any structural features, an individual’s decision to be and remain active in a civil society organization largely depends on how well a group manages to fulfill the activists’ demands for action, which tend to largely revolve around three pillars: (1) a desire to change concrete political opportunities around them; (2) a need to act according to their beliefs and values; and (3) an urge to find likeminded people with whom they can have fun and share their free time.

The three dominant ways of interpreting social movement formation reference above are. These explanations are not mutually exclusive and can be viewed as complementary. On the other hand, they are all pitched primarily at a macro-level of analysis, which is to say they don't offer very good explanations for why some groups succeed and others fail under more or less the same conditions. Such an explanation requires a more nuanced micro and meso level explanation.

The three broad approaches for explaining the appearance and success of social movements is:

1. relative deprivation theory
2. resource mobilization theory
3. opportunity structure theory

To briefly cover each of them:

Relative Deprivation Theory

Stockemer, p. 14-15 posted:

Over the past 50 years, grievance or relative deprivation theories have been the dominant, classical explanation for why some people have engaged in contentious political activities while others have not (Geschwender and Geschwender, 1973). Grievance theorists (Forger, 1986; Runciman, 1966) see feelings of relative deprivation, which result from perceived discrepancies between peoples’ value expectations and their value capabilities, as the root cause for unconventional political action (Klandermans et al., 2001).1 The underlying assumption in this approach is that citizens do not normally protest when they are satisfied with their daily lives. Rather, people are more inclined to engage in collective action when facing dire economic, social, or political conditions, whether real or perceived (e.g., Choi, 1999; Seidman, 1994). As Klandermans (1997) puts it, a demand for change often begins with dissatisfaction, be it in the experience of illegitimate inequality, perceptions of a loss of integration in society, feelings of injustice and moral indignation about some state of affairs, or a sudden imposed grievance (see also Abeles, 1976).

Stockemer, p. 15 posted:

To explain changes in sources of frustrations in industrialized countries, new social movement scholars (Melucci, 1989, 1998; Touraine, 1981, 1988) claim that the type of society may predispose people to certain grievances and demands. For example, Touraine (1985, p. 774–781) argues that industrialized societies were prone to class struggles as well as to struggles for political and civil rights. However, as Melucci (1998, p. 13) contends, the era of industrial conflict ended in the 1950s or 1960s. With the fulfillment of material needs and the granting of (basic) political rights, individuals no longer wanted more material goods but were seeking self-realization (Buechler, 1995, 2008). After 1968, other forms of postmaterial values (e.g., peace or the environment) became more central as well.2

Viewed through a relative deprivation lens, these new social movements are “a reaction to some altered societal conditions, an expression of fear and dissatisfaction with environmental destructions and exploitation of natural resources, and a call to reorganize society by granting more rights, freedoms and equality to formerly frowned upon groups” (Fuchs, 2006, p. 113). In this sense, the ecological movement is a response to environmental degradation; the gay, lesbian, and transgendered movements are a reaction to the societal discrimination against homosexuals; the youth movement is a response to a lack of perspective for the younger cohorts of the population; and the global justice or alter-globalization movement is a reaction to the global and local problems of poverty, the lack of political participation in national and global decision making, and the negative consequences of the neoliberal world order (Fuchs, 2003).

While this is an intuitively appealing theory it runs aground on the fact that "most of the time, most aggrieved people who are not represented neither mobilize nor form any movement structure" because "whether those aggrieved and inadequately represented create SMOs within the civil soceity subsystem of the political system seems to depend on other conditions, such as a subset of aggrieved individuals with resources, who are able to build an organization, and the opening up of political opportunities that allow these aggrieved individuals with resources to act." (Stockemer, p. 17). That naturally leads us to the second theory:

Resource Mobilization Theory

Stockemer, p. 17-18 posted:

Only small subsets of aggrieved individuals can initiate SMOs. The resource mobilization approach alerts us to four necessary personal conditions, which aggrieved people must fulfill in order to create an SMO. These factors are financial and personal resources, time, energy, and experience (Edwards and McCarthy, 2004). First, a start-up of an SMO requires monetary funds. Most small and local start-ups require moderate amounts of capital, which can often be provided by initiators and their friends. However, larger SMOs often need outside funding. This funding can come from foundations, existing SMOs, interest groups, parties, or wealthy individuals (Walker, 1991).

Second, people must have personal resources in the form of civic skills and connections. Peoples’ networks help initiators of SMOs to gauge whether the climate for the creation of a new structure is right and, even more importantly, they help them identify potential followers. The initiators’ civic skills are essential to procure financial contributions and to persuade potential recruits to join a newly emerging group (Pattie, Seyd, and Whittely, 2003). Finally, education and negotiating skills help those in charge of setting up a social group to mediate among conflicting interests and personalities. After all, a majority or, better, all of the founding members of an SMO must agree on common structures, goals, and membership rules. In short, they must draft a constitution to gain recognition as a civil society organization (Mc Carthy, 1996).

Third, movement initiators must be willing to dedicate time and energy toward a cause or set goal. The devotion of time and energy is required for promoting the organization and for attracting members. In addition, experience in the non-governmental sector can be another asset that movement initiators can bring to the table. Individuals who engage in the creation of a new SMO ideally have experience in previous campaigns or protests. These leadership skills will enable group initiators to set goals realistically, to adopt powerful and acceptable organizational structures, and to learn from mistakes of previous organizations and campaigns. In many cases, the willingness and energy of aggrieved people with resources to build an SMO simmer until they see a propitious environment to do so. In the literature, beneficial societal conditions for
the creation of SMOs are often referred to as “opportunity structures”
(Kitschelt, 1986; Tarrow, 1994).

Opportunity Structure Theory

Stockemer, p. 18 posted:

The opportunity structure theorem purports that the likelihood of aggrieved people with resources to launch an SMO rises and falls with perceptions of successful mobilization. In this sense, political opportunity structures (POSs) refer to constraints, possibilities, and threats that originate inside or outside the mobilizing group and affect its chances of mobilizing. Structural characteristics of political systems, the behavior of allies, adversaries, and the public; societal tendencies, economic structures, and developments – all these factors can be sources of mobilizational opportunities (McAdam, 1982; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, 2001; Tarrow, 1989a, 1989b, 1991; Tilly, 1978, 2005.) For example, the ability to appeal to a wide variety of interests, the emergence of a sponsor, or the possibility to push through a policy demand might entice possible initiators to spend both time and energy to launch an SMO

Bringing that together we get the following synopsis for how SMOs come into existence and then succeed or fail:

Stockemer, p. 19-21 posted:

Three factors account for the development of protest structures within civil society. These are (1) the existence of grievances in society; (2) the
presence of people with the resources, who are willing and capable to act upon them; and (3) a beneficial opportunity to do so. These three conditions can largely explain why and when people join forces to form an SMO. Yet, in some instances, other factors might come into play. I do not claim that any of the aforementioned factors is more important than
another. Yet, I do contend that the presence of aggrieved individuals, who have the resources and perceive the opportunities to launch an SMO, is a sufficient cause for the emergence of an SMO.8

In Figure 2 I seek to sketch out the above-mentioned rationale. For the sake of parsimony, I combine the first and second necessary conditions for the emergence of a social movement – the presence of aggrieved individuals as well as the existence of resources – under the term “movement entrepreneur.” I reason that only aggrieved individuals who have the time, energy, experience, and personal resources are positioned



to potentially launch an organization. In most, if not all, circumstances, movement entrepreneurs only feel empowered enough to act when they have perceived or recognized an opportunity. Consequently, this theoretical framework predicts that the existence of movement entrepreneurs and the presence of a favorable environment are critical
to the emergence of SMOs (see also McAdam, 1982, Chapter 3).

While the combination of the three approaches (the relative deprivation approach, the resource mobilization framework, and the opportunity structure framework) provides a sufficient explanation for the creation of SMOs, these same structural explanations can also shape the future trajectory of an SMO. There are mainly three ways in which the structural environment can co-determine the fate of an existing association. First, changes in the degree to which individuals perceive some grievances or feelings of frustration can alter their motivations and impact their willingness to engage in unconventional political activities and forms of protest (Opp, 2000). Second, an increase or decrease in an organization’s human and financial resources can impact the mobilizational potential of the group, especially its capacity to recruit and retain members. Third, changes in the environment in which a group operates will continue to impact its potential to stage events and impact policy. However, despite the continued salience of these three macro-level approaches, the success or lack of thereof in membership or in political clout of an association often does not hinge upon the three structural conditions outlined above.

Frequently, the success of a group relies on agency or human interactions between the leadership and the rank and file of a group. More precisely, it depends on how well an organization manages to respond to prospective and current activists’ demands for action. For example, throughout the existence of a civil society organization, it is important that both the entrepreneurs and the (potential) recruits agree on the goals, structure, and leadership of the newly emerging group. There are multiple scenarios for dissent both within the elites or regular members, and between the two groups. For example, all actors might agree about the source of frustration but they might disagree on what solutions to advocate, what actions to pursue, or what internal structure to adopt. Such disagreements may hamstring, slow down, or stop a campaign pursued by an SMO. They can also impact an organization’s membership and political clout. For example, internal rifts, strategic mistakes by the leadership, or changes in an organization’s ideological position can entice activists to either quit or decrease their engagement. In contrast, a sense of a common mission among all actors involved should increase the overall morale as well as the motivation, thereby improving the chances of successful campaigns (Eyerman, 1989).

To explain the conditions under which this reciprocal relationship between movement entrepreneurs and potential activists can evolve requires a discussion of the literature in social psychology – a literature that attempts to unscramble the interaction between the activists’ demands for action and an SMO’s effort to reply to these demands. Drawing on the relationship between demand and supply, I build on the work of Klandermans and others (e.g., Klandermans, 1984, 1986, 1997, 2003, 2004; Loch, 2001). Borrowing from the economics literature, Klandermans and others compare the relationship between the entrepreneurs of a social group and the grassroots members to that of firms and consumers in the free market economy. Accordingly, demand refers to the potential of people to become activists and supply refers to the entrepreneurs’ or leaders’ capability to address these demands. As in a market economy, demand and supply do not automatically come together. Rather, entrepreneurs and potential activists have to establish some common ground concerning the goals, strategies, rituals, and leadership of the group. The existence of unity between all actors involved will then help determine the success of the organization, provided that the structural conditions remain beneficial. In the theoretical discussion that follows, I first present the demand and supply nucleus in more detail. In a second step, I highlight possible interactions between demand and supply factors for involvement.

So to briefly sum all this up: there are multiple factors that need to be present for a successful social movement to launch itself and have any reasonable expectations of success. There has to be a set of identifiable grievances that can be targeted, there needs to be a critical mass of individuals with the necessary resources (monetary, social, personal) to launch a new organization. In situations where you have a large population of aggrieved individuals, a group of political entrepreneurs ready to capitalize on those grievances, and a plausible looking plan for putting this into action then you can get the emergence of a new social movement organization. While these SMOs are not sufficient for enacting policy change they are necessary for it. So while they're not a panacea for all that ails us they are a crucial part of the puzzle if you're someone who is confused about why neoliberalism is such a seemingly monolithic political tendency.

UnknownTarget
Sep 5, 2019

Very good posts. I have read through all of them and now a couple of Sophia Burns's articles. I see the logic in saying that progressive movements in the United States are essentially fronts for the Democratic Party. I don't think it's completely purposeful, as she suggests; merely that the same people who canvas for progressive ideals also canvas for the Democrats. However in many cases I do think it is purposeful, like she suggests.

In regards to your post, Helsing - I think those gents are spot on. The creation of a successful movement requires 1) Grievances, 2) Will and ability to organize and 3) Opportunity to seize for growth. The difficulty in finding all of those is obvious. Political organizing is a full-time job for a reason and if you're able to do it you're either one of the "activist lifestylers" that Sophia derides or a part of an established political machine and functioning as an agent of one of the major parties - who are paying your salary or their donors are paying the operating budget of your party-influenced organization.

During my time on the Occupy forums when that movement was first starting, I met a very strange man. He was definitely a little off-kilter, and caused quite the stir because he never really engaged in discussions - he just kept repeating the same couple of questions over and over. He frustrated a lot of users because he literally just said the same things over and over again. "obfuscating the core of accountability" was one of his taglines. He interested me because I've never seen someone so devoted to a singular line of thought. After speaking with him and then falling out of touch, I bring his idea here because I believe it is correct and speaks directly to these quoted issues.

It is simple; accountability as a movement. It's similar to the Geneva trials after WW2. Great injustice was wrought and a people's court was called to try those who did it. Let's skip the details of who got off and who was bargained for; the message is clear: no one is above the law.

So, a movement for accountability seems to be the proper course of action. The major grievance of our time is that leaders are not prosecuted for their wrongdoing. That's what gets people upset. There is a will to organize, to find purpose - and I believe that with a singular, clear mission statement (bring accountability to the elite, force trials, etc.) then the ability will coalesce. There are many opportunities to capture the public's fervor and use it to grow. Epstein's trial is one, for example. Demanding accountability, focusing in on that and creating the movement around that is possible, I think. The details I do not know, but I do know that there is a massive appetite for justice from the common class.

To Sophia's point, "Accountability" is self-cleaning - in the words of this crazy man. You cannot be "for" accountability while letting unaccountable behavior fester in your movement. Technically, you can - but it's a house of cards. The moment you're ousted as being corrupt, the movement fails or you get replaced. It's like playing the game with a gun against your head - if you cheat, you're out. If you don't, you can win. So in this way, it resists co-opting by the existing power structure because if they co-opt it and are found out, then the movement itself can turn on them.

Finally, it calls back to the core idea of the American Experiment, for those that want to build a leftist America identity. The whole reason we have a democracy (representational republic for you pedants) is to create a mechanism by which to hold leaders accountable; do bad stuff, lose your job.

Accountability hits all the points brought up in this thread and the message is so simple, so direct, so easy to say and understand, that I think it could really be the thing that the working class rallies around.

OwlFancier
Aug 22, 2013

I find the idea of suggesting there could be a movement in the US to hold the state to account in a manner similar to the nuremburg trials post WW2 quite funny, given the US's role in paperclipping a whole shedload of nazis out of Germany so that they wouldn't face justice and could help prop up its own military capabilities lol.

UnknownTarget
Sep 5, 2019

OwlFancier posted:

I find the idea of suggesting there could be a movement in the US to hold the state to account in a manner similar to the nuremburg trials post WW2 quite funny, given the US's role in paperclipping a whole shedload of nazis out of Germany so that they wouldn't face justice and could help prop up its own military capabilities lol.

Oh hey that's literally the reply that I preempted in my post.

"Let's skip the details of who got off and who was bargained for; the message is clear: no one is above the law."

You must feel super Clever and Smart. You focused on the one weak analogy instead of the meat of what I said. I presume because it's easier to pick a hole in something obvious rather than putting in the effort of replying to the gestalt?

What about the rest of what I said? The concept? How it is a direct response to what people have said in this thread and ties in with running themes of this discussion?

OwlFancier
Aug 22, 2013

And I dispute that you can or should "skip the details" when "skipping the details" leads you to characterise the invasion and forcible regime change of a country by exterior powers who were completely willing to profit off its atrocities while claiming to be ideologically opposed to everything it stood for, as a self-generated grassroots revolution against the power structure in said country.

Denazification in Germany was largely imposed from outside. And really only to the degree that it was actually useful to the people doing it. A lot of people who were active in the nazi administration were still in various levels of the government on both sides of the iron curtain for a long time afterwards even if you ignore the efforts made to capture and co-opt various numbers of them to fuel the superpowers.

So I don't get your point? It appears to be "well that happened, therefore this other, entirely different thing could happen" because there is virtually nothing in common between the process by which nazi germany became current germany, and the process of a country actually initiating internal transformative justice through the existing process of its own political structure.

Note that this is not to say that the nazis wouldn't have likely collapsed to internal pressures in time but specifically claiming that the process of the second world war and what came after is applicable to domestic politics in our countries today is just... I do not understand it at all?

The process you are describing is in no way at all "self cleaning" and I don't get what you seem to think efforts to organize for justice are at the moment? I also don't get what you think the effects of turning in on itself whenever it comes into contact with the power structure (which again, I characterise as being inherently "dirty" to use your analogy) would be? Movement gains traction, movement becomes established, movement tries to effect change through the power structure, becomes corrupt, leaders ousted, nothing is done, movement tries same process again?

The reason movements become corrupt through contact with the power structure is that the alternative is that they lose the ability to do things through the power structure because they can't engage with it. In which case what you're advocating for is something that doesn't even try to use the existing power structure because it's inherently damaging to the cause.

Do you have some mechanism by which this repeating self-purge would actually change the power structure? Because I don't see one.

OwlFancier fucked around with this message at 05:05 on Dec 24, 2019

UnknownTarget
Sep 5, 2019

OwlFancier posted:

And I dispute that you can or should "skip the details" when "skipping the details" leads you to characterise the invasion and forcible regime change of a country by exterior powers who were completely willing to profit off its atrocities while claiming to be ideologically opposed to everything it stood for, as a self-generated grassroots revolution against the power structure in said country.

Denazification in Germany was largely imposed from outside. And really only to the degree that it was actually useful to the people doing it. A lot of people who were active in the nazi administration were still in various levels of the government on both sides of the iron curtain for a long time afterwards even if you ignore the efforts made to capture and co-opt various numbers of them to fuel the superpowers.

So I don't get your point? It appears to be "well that happened, therefore this other, entirely different thing could happen" because there is virtually nothing in common between the process by which nazi germany became current germany, and the process of a country actually initiating internal transformative justice through the existing process of its own political structure.

My point is that the issue is a lack of accountability. What needs to be done is to hold those in power accountable. Reread my post and remove that analogy to get what my point is, rather than focusing on it.

quote:

Note that this is not to say that the nazis wouldn't have likely collapsed to internal pressures in time but specifically claiming that the process of the second world war and what came after is applicable to domestic politics in our countries today is just... I do not understand it at all?

Once again, you're focusing too much on the analogy. What I'm talking about is holding power accountable. Reread my post and remove the part where I mentioned the Nuremberg trials and you'll see what I was trying to say.

quote:

The process you are describing is in no way at all "self cleaning" and I don't get what you seem to think efforts to organize for justice are at the moment? I also don't get what you think the effects of turning in on itself whenever it comes into contact with the power structure (which again, I characterise as being inherently "dirty" to use your analogy) would be? Movement gains traction, movement becomes established, movement tries to effect change through the power structure, becomes corrupt, leaders ousted, nothing is done, movement tries same process again?

It's cleansing in the fact that if you try to take someone to task for doing something wrong, but you yourself are doing something wrong, the movement will collapse in on itself in infighting. It destroys itself, as a feature - not a bug.

quote:

The reason movements become corrupt through contact with the power structure is that the alternative is that they lose the ability to do things through the power structure because they can't engage with it. In which case what you're advocating for is something that doesn't even try to use the existing power structure because it's inherently damaging to the cause.

Do you have some mechanism by which this repeating self-purge would actually change the power structure? Because I don't see one.

You're focusing on the part where it's self-purging, rather than the crux of what I was trying to say: the issue of our times, and the firebrand that progressivism can use, is the lack of accountability for those in power. By focusing efforts on forcing accountability, we strike at the heart of the modern issue.

The real question you should be asking is "how can we hold the elite accountable for their actions" and once you realize we have no answer, then we can start discussing how to find the things that really need to be done.

UnknownTarget fucked around with this message at 16:24 on Dec 24, 2019

Ghost Leviathan
Mar 2, 2017

Exploration is ill-advised.
You're going to have to take a 'salt the earth' attitude towards conservatives because they have, can and actively are doing it to anyone left of Mussolini as we speak.

UnknownTarget
Sep 5, 2019

TBH I think left vs. right is a red herring issue. Not saying "both sides are the same", more like outside of the extremes, there are a lot of overlapping values. I.e. hunters, typically considered very "right" in the US are actually the people who pay the most to maintain our wild lands through their hunting licenses and conservation efforts. By pitting clumps of people against each other, the elite ruin any momentum those movements may have. For example, Occupy & the Tea Party actually had a lot of overlapping demands and concerns (such as they were). However they were manipulated by the media into opposing left and right sides and never built a critical mass, instead spending a lot of their energy fighting each other.

Orange Devil
Oct 1, 2010

Wullie's reign cannae smother the flames o' equality!
Yeah dude they might have overlapping concerns, but the solutions they agitate for are very different. One set of those being left and the other right.

UnknownTarget
Sep 5, 2019

What's a left vs. what's a right solution for forcing the elite to be accountable for their actions?

Infinite Karma
Oct 23, 2004
Good as dead





UnknownTarget posted:

What's a left vs. what's a right solution for forcing the elite to be accountable for their actions?

Destroy the elite vs. fantasize about being the elite.

UnknownTarget
Sep 5, 2019

Infinite Karma posted:

Destroy the elite vs. fantasize about being the elite.

Which is which? Because I could see that being either.

Left: we want to help everyone, we should be in charge.

Right: we know what's best, put us in charge and we'll keep things in check.

So how does the populace hold the elites accountable for their actions? My wife and I were just talking about this, and while candidates like Bernie are saying to tax the wealthy, reform campaign finance, have better police oversight etc., no one is coming out and saying "hold elites accountable". There are no activist movements around it, either.

Our system was built to hold the most powerful people at the time (government leaders/Kings) accountable. Now, the most powerful people are billionaires and government officials who never have to worry about facing a real election. How do the people hold them accountable for what they've done? How do remove the second layer of law for people who make more than $100 million or whatever, or who are super well connected?

UnknownTarget fucked around with this message at 19:37 on Dec 25, 2019

Infinite Karma
Oct 23, 2004
Good as dead





Traditionally the left want to end the class war by removing the ruling class, and the right love the ruling class.

But to answer the real question, holding elites accountable is virtually impossible. Whatever systems there are, they can be subverted to tilt towards the powerful (read: rich in modem times).

So we make it extremely hard to hold on to power for long enough to make a difference. High marginal taxes, high property taxes, high corporate taxes, and high estate taxes, vacancy taxes, stock trading taxes... basically tax everything that allows capital to extract rents without performing labor, and keep the top of the market unstable so nobody can hold on to billions indefinitely. If there are a few billionaires who are able to capture the zeitgeist and ride success to fortunes we can't control, we build the system so that lightning-in-a-bottle success needs to be continually performed (which is impossible) to hold on to it. Markets can do some of the work as everybody else catches up and replaces the monopoly power of the lone genius.

asdf32
May 15, 2010

I lust for childrens' deaths. Ask me about how I don't care if my kids die.

Infinite Karma posted:

Destroy the elite vs. fantasize about being the elite.

No the main difference is who they think the elite is: government elite vs capitalist elites. They both want to destroy the elites.

Though it’s worth noting that destroying elites is a fantasy. We live in huge, complex, technologically dependent societies that must be run by elites. The point of the political system is to hold the elites accountable (while also not succumbing to mob rule).

Yeowch!!! My Balls!!!
May 31, 2006

asdf32 posted:

No the main difference is who they think the elite is: government elite vs capitalist elites. They both want to destroy the elites.

Though it’s worth noting that destroying elites is a fantasy. We live in huge, complex, technologically dependent societies that must be run by elites. The point of the political system is to hold the elites accountable (while also not succumbing to mob rule).

without a king, how will one operate a Westphalian nation-state

Orange Devil
Oct 1, 2010

Wullie's reign cannae smother the flames o' equality!

UnknownTarget posted:

What's a left vs. what's a right solution for forcing the elite to be accountable for their actions?

Depends mostly on how you define "accountable", "the elite" and which specific (sub)set of actions you are calling for said accountability on.

UnknownTarget
Sep 5, 2019

Orange Devil posted:

Depends mostly on how you define "accountable", "the elite" and which specific (sub)set of actions you are calling for said accountability on.

What a delightful non-answer. Rather than providing definitions for any of the categories you created to subdivide the issue into meaningless hair-splitting, you deftly avoided it and tried to put it on me to provide your talking points for you. Pass.

@asdf32 - I agree with everything you said. It's not about destroying elites permanently. They will always be there. It's about holding them accountable to the same laws as the rest of us.

OwlFancier
Aug 22, 2013

I would suggest that the most comprehensive leftist position is that the definition of "the elite" is that they aren't held to the same laws as the rest of us because otherwise they wouldn't be "elite" and the idea that a society can exist in this perpetual stalemate where they exist but have no undue power is farcical, and that society must instead be organized in such a manner that they do not exist.

They mustn't be destroyed because that's better, they must be destroyed because that's literally the only way it can possibly work in the long run, you cannot have a society organized so that there are a privileged few with all the power but at the same time they only use it for everyone's benefit. What you're arguing is that philosopher kings are a real and good way to govern.

OwlFancier fucked around with this message at 02:35 on Dec 26, 2019

UnknownTarget
Sep 5, 2019

OwlFancier posted:

I would suggest that the most comprehensive leftist position is that the definition of "the elite" is that they aren't held to the same laws as the rest of us because otherwise they wouldn't be "elite" and the idea that a society can exist in this perpetual stalemate where they exist but have no undue power is farcical, and that society must instead be organized in such a manner that they do not exist.

They mustn't be destroyed because that's better, they must be destroyed because that's literally the only way it can possibly work in the long run, you cannot have a society organized so that there are a privileged few with all the power but at the same time they only use it for everyone's benefit. What you're arguing is that philosopher kings are a real and good way to govern.

No I'm not. I'm saying that there will be elite who will rise to power and their intentions may be good or bad but regardless they must be held accountable to the same justice system the rest of us are.

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OwlFancier
Aug 22, 2013

If you think that you have the capability to fight people with more power than you repeatedly and bend them to the law, it seems weird to me that you think that's preferable to just... making it so they don't keep appearing.

Like the idea that you can keep fighting the people in charge and winning and that's good and sensible, but making it so you don't need to keep doing that is not even conceivable, that's pretty silly if you ask me. Because I would suggest the latter is by far the easier option.

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