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gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy

Pentecoastal Elites posted:

I think this is important because if humans some have innate drive towards greed (again, as defined as wealth-hoarding at the expense of others), I think communism is impossible in the long term because humans will inevitably reproduce societies where they can satisfy the need to express greed, in the same way that humans will inevitably reproduce societies with clothing and indoor living spaces so they can satisfy the need to protect themselves from the elements.

I think that it is still in our collective interests to went to build a society that attempts to mitigate against greed, even if we grant that "innate greed" will make communism long-term unfeasible, as opposed to maintaining a society that... does NOT fight against greed.

SSJ_naruto_2003 posted:

This society, capitalism in general, rewards selfishness and punishes selflessness

This is, very loosely, what materialism attempts to convey: we learn to behave in the way we do because of our material conditions, and in a system that requires that we constantly act in our own self-interest and at the expense of others, it "feels natural" for some to always behave in that fashion, because they have understood that attempting to act contrary to what capitalist society expects, is unsustainable and will bring about ruin.

gradenko_2000 fucked around with this message at 04:12 on Nov 6, 2020

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gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy

BoldFrankensteinMir posted:

Yeah, this is where you lost me friend. Trying to paint Mao as a champion for the interests of others is just flat-out ignorant. He starved his own people and rewrote the history books to cover it up. None of that is admirable or worth emulating.

You all have made some excellent points, and this doesn't change that. But please be aware, by quoting mass murderers, you just play into the absolute worst stereotypes about the beliefs you're trying to defend.

quote:

That tragic history behind the revolution vanishes in the historiography and propaganda that encompasses the negative cult of heroes. While in their reading of Russian history they pursue the repression of the Second Time of Troubles, for the great Asian country they skip over the Century of Humiliation (the period that stretches from the First Opium War to the seizure of power by the communists). Just as in Russia, in China it’s ultimately the revolution led by the communist party that saves the nation and even the state. In the biography of Mao Zedong earlier cited, not only do they ignore the historical background briefly restated here, but they blame the Chinese communist leader for most of the horrors caused by the starvation and famines that affected China. A rigorous silence is maintained with regard to the embargo imposed on that great Asia country after the communists came to power.

On that last point, it’s worthwhile to consult a book by an American author that sympathetically describes the primary role played by a Cold War policy of siege and economic strangulated carried out by Washington at the expense of the People’s Republic of China. In October of 1949, China finds itself in a desperate situation. It’s necessary to note, however, that the Civil War hadn’t completely ended. The bulk of the Kuomintang army had taken shelter in Taiwan, and from there they continued to threaten the new state with air attacks and incursions, on top of the isolated spots of resistance that continued to operate on the continent. But that’s not the principal aspect: “After decades of civil wars and foreign invasions, the national economy was on the brink of total collapse." The fall in agricultural and industrial production was followed by inflation. And that’s not all: “In those years, great floods had devastated a large part of the nation, and more than 40 million people had been affected by that natural calamity."

The embargo quickly decreed by the United States makes this extremely serious economic and humanitarian crisis more catastrophic than ever. The objectives of the United States clearly emerge in the studies and plans by the Truman administration and the admissions or declarations by its leaders: make it so that China “suffers a plague” and “a standard of living at or below the level of subsistence”; provoke “economic backwardness”, “cultural backwardness”, a “primitive and uncontrolled birth rate”, “mass disorder”; inflict “a heavy and very prolonged cost on its internal social structure” and ultimately create “a situation of chaos." It’s a concept that’s obsessively repeated: it’s necessary to reduce a country to “desperate necessity”, to a “situation of economic catastrophe”, “to disaster” and “collapse." This “economic weapon” pointed at an overpopulated country is lethal, but for the CIA it’s not enough: the situation that was caused by “the measures of economic warfare and by the naval blockade” could be made even worse with a “naval and aerial bombing campaign against selected ports, railways, industrial structures and storage sites”; with US assistance, the Kuomintang bombing campaigns continued against industrial cities on continental China, including Shanghai.

One president after another takes office in the White House, but the embargo remains and expands to medicine, tractors and fertilizers. At the start of the 1960s, an advisor in the Kennedy administration, namely Walt W. Rostow, observes that, thanks to this policy, the economic development of China was delayed by at least “decades”, while CIA reports highlight “communist China’s grave agricultural situation”, now seriously weakened by “overwork and malnutrition." Is it a question, then, of reducing the pressure on a people reduced to a state of hunger? On the contrary, it’s important not to loosen the embargo, “not even for humanitarian relief." Taking advantage of the fact that “China doesn’t have key natural resources, particularly oil and fertile land”, and also exploiting the serious crisis occurring at the time between China and the USSR, they could try to land the definitive blow: “explore the possibilities of a total Western embargo against China” and block as much as possible the sale of oil and grain.

Does it make sense, then, to exclusively assign Mao blame for the economic catastrophe that for a long time struck China and was intentionally and ruthlessly planned by Washington beginning in October of 1949?

quote:

Finally, there is controversy over the contribution of [the El Niño Southern Oscillation] to the agricultural catastrophe of Mao’s Great Leap Forward. The drought-famine of 1959–61, which killed 20 million peasants (the death toll officially admitted in 1980 by Hu Yaobang) was the most deadly of the twentieth century, perhaps of all time. Given the PRC’s impressive commitments to food security and disaster mitigation in the early 1950s, as well as its dramatic success in raising average life expectancy the scale of this holocaust is stupefying and, for many sympathizers with the Chinese Revolution, almost inexplicable. Certainly, the “strong” El Niño of 1957–59, which also produced a famous famine and nearly a million refugees in the Brazilian sertão, was the likely culprit responsible for the onset of drought in 1958–59, but recent interpretations radically disagree over the relative importance of climatic and political determinants. In Hungry Ghosts, a Robert Conquest–like exposé of Mao’s orchestration of “the darkest moment in the long history of China,” Jasper Becker fails to mention any natural context for the famine whatsoever, although Chinese meteorologists have characterized the drought, which affected one-third of the nation’s cultivated acreage, as the most extreme of the twentieth century. For the first time in human memory, people could actually wade across the Yellow River.

Taking a more sober approach, Y. Kueh (1998) has used impressive statistical modeling to show that “the weather was the main cause of the enormous grain-yield losses in 1960 and 1961,”

...

In the tumult of the nineteenth century, irrigation subsidies were more or less abandoned. The predictable consequences were a sharp decline in agricultural productivity and a concomitant increase in vulnerability to drought and flood. Murray points to Ching-yang, traditionally the richest county in the entire Wei Valley, where “agriculture was crippled” by the late nineteenth century as a result of the deterioration of the irrigation system. “A similarly depressing scene was revealed in the 1882 history of Hua-chou, located in the southeastern sector of the valley, where neglect of water control was also blamed for the decline of local agriculture. Not only had the irrigation ditches often become useless, but the natural waterways had silted up, and flooding along the riverbanks had destroyed much of the county’s best farmland.” Neglect of irrigation (only 6.8 percent of cultivated acreage in north China in 1932) continued through the Republican period. The famous Mass Education Movement study (1926–33) of Ting Hsien in Hebei concluded that 30,000 additional small wells were needed in this single county to fully realize its agricultural potential.

The failure of successive warlord, Guomindang and Japanese occupation governments to improve local irrigation, like their similar inability to tame the Yellow River, became powerful factors in rallying the northern peasantry behind the program of the Communist Party. After Liberation (and despite the costs of the Korean intervention), water conservancy was duly accorded the highest priority in successive agricultural plans, and, according to E. Vermeer, “during 1946–1954 the State funds expended on anti-flood work on the Yellow River constituted 22-fold the total invested during the period 1914–1932.” Dam construction and dike repair in the 1950s was followed in the early 1970s by a pumpwell revolution in the north China plain which (measured from 1949) increased pump horsepower 400-fold and quadrupled the irrigated acreage along the Yellow River. Irrigation, in tandem with the expansion of the chemical fertilizer industry, was the most important productive force unleashed by China’s agrarian reforms just as it was the principal engine powering India’s contemporaneous “Green Revolution.”

___

OwlFancier posted:

Is there not some sort of link between revolutionary centralized communism and famines though?

The link between centralized communism and famines is that the USSR stopped having them after the 40s, and then Russia started running into food shortages again after the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

An examination of famines in the modern period indicates that it's almost never about an inability to physically produce or deliver sufficient food to meet the subsistence needs of the population, but rather an inability of the population to procure the food for lack of ability to pay, combined with state and private forces that collude to enforce the "rules" on the acquisition of food.

It's an ideological phenomenon.

gradenko_2000 fucked around with this message at 09:36 on Nov 6, 2020

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy

dex_sda posted:

Hell, stepping away from communism for a second, the irish potato famine was chiefly the complete failure of capitalism. The irish had enough to feed themselves as a nation even with the potato blight, but they were compelled to sell it away and the laissez-faire whig gov halted even the paltry food relief tories organised before.

The other example of this is the British parliament extolling the virtues of railroad construction in India as thereby making it impossible for the region to ever experience famines... only to have these railroads be used in practice to shuttle foodstuffs across the subcontinent where they could fetch the highest prices, even as the grain and millet had to be placed under armed guard to prevent starving people from simply taking the harvest by force, out of desperation.

Sharks Eat Bear posted:

- free trade [I feel too uninformed to have a good take. I find a lot of anti-free trade rhetoric to be xenophobic/racist, but also not sure how free trade exists outside the context of imperialism and neoliberalism]

"Free trade" is, in general, a bad idea, because what it essentially means is that countries are not allowed to engage in protectionist behavior.

This means that countries that are not-yet-industrialized, are never going to be able to industrialize, since any domestic production/manufacture will be cannibalized by cheaper imports from already-developed countries, and then the not-yet-industrialized country cannot impose tariffs on those imports, since tariffication is in violation of free trade principles.

The Global South becomes trapped as merely being a consumer of the advanced finished goods produced by the Global North, as well as being a source of raw material, but are never allowed to become producers themselves.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy

OwlFancier posted:

To be sure I absolutely would not suggest that capitalism doesn't cause famines, more just that in the current time I do worry about the effects of things like embargos and major industrial rejiggering on a society that relies on global trade for food security (which is a lot of societies)

Of course we might be getting that anyway if the current UK government keeps on with brexit lol. And also yes "don't be communist or the capitalists will deliberately starve you to death" is not exactly a ringing endorsement of capitalism.

I think it's realistic to suggest that any country that undertakes a socialist project is under a very real threat of suffering disruptions to its food-production and food-logistics chains (and not just food, but many other basic goods), even simply as a function of trying to reconfigure to a collectivized form of production, not yet counting the rest of the capitalist world deliberately trying to gently caress with them.

Having said that, it means that a socialist movement needs to approach the project carefully.

To paraphrase Malatesta, you cannot attain the moral emancipation of being able to avoid all the bad things as long as the current conditions of political and economic subjection apply, and so we should not use the possibility of these bad things happening, as a prohibition against attempting to break the vicious cycle.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy

DrSunshine posted:

Wait, I am interested in this. Which ones?

Unless I'm mistaken the most obvious example would be the Bolsheviks participating in the Provisional Government. As Lenin explained in "An Infantile Disease", even if you don't set out to actually win any legalistic victories via your participation in bourgeois democracy, at the very minimum, their sandbagging of the efforts of the communists will serve as an example to the people that the bourgeois democracy needs to be overthrown, because LOOK AT WHAT THEY'RE DOING, THIS ISN'T GOING TO WORK.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy

Cpt_Obvious posted:

Why does the Provisional Government count as bourgeois democracy rather than just democracy?

Because the state of the Russian Revolution after the abdication of Nicholas II was up in the air as to whether they would "stop" at a bourgeois liberal democracy, ostensibly to develop their productive forces via the (full/complete) adoption of capitalism, or if they'd "continue on" to socialism directly.

The Provisional Government generally represented the interests of those who favored the former, which is why it also had to be overthrown in turn.

Cpt_Obvious posted:

Are all forms of democracy bourgeois in nature?

I wouldn't say so. Communism desires democracy, and in turn it desires the abolition of capitalism because capitalism is incompatible with democracy.

CYBEReris posted:

IIRC Lenin was adamant though that it should be with their own party and their own platforms

oh, I agree. If, as a communist, one decides to participate in parliamentarianism at all, one should at the minimum vote for the communist candidate and the communist party.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy

Falstaff posted:

Also, hey Grandenko...


This post was really good, what's it from?

the first excerpt was from Domenico Losurdo's "Stalin: The History and Critique of a Black Legend"

the second excerpt was from Mike Davis's "Late Victorian Holocausts: El Niño Famines and the Making of the Third World"

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy

The Oldest Man posted:

Meanwhile, a neoliberal will support the exact same mechanisms of control (naked force being used against perceived threats and dissenters, for example) but will talk circles around the issue of why. Their conception of natural rights from the liberal heritage includes some ideas about personal liberty, but the reality of implementing a market-first philosophy in the real world is that a lot of people don't want to turn their ground water or whatever over to the control of Nestle and will resist that so they must be suppressed to enable market actors to invade. Reconciling self-determination with a religious belief in the superiority of the market as the ultimate hammer for all nails requires a lot of mental gymnastics.

one of the clever ways I've heard it put is that neoliberals will chalk everything up to "market forces", and then will claim that that's non-violent, even when the phrase has the word "force" right there in the latter half!

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy

OwlFancier posted:

As I said, why should the central planners or ultra rich care about either? Why should they care about even the people they could save the lives of if doing that diminishes their own immediate wealth or power? Are they just expected to have a more prominent sense of noblesse oblige than the factory commune?

What I am asking is what incentive is there for this top-down response to fix the problem? Do you not look at the lack of action thus far, the delays, the ineffectuality of the responses, and wonder why that is?

I'm trying to engage with this discussion but I'm kind of lost as to why there seems to be this impression that "top-down socialism" is not also democratized?

Like, if the worry is about whether central planners are going to be willing to sacrifice large swaths of population, why wouldn't a socialist polity vote them out? It's a central tenet to socialist democracy, even Soviet democracy and not just anarchist principles, that representatives to the government should be subject to recall.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy
"Human error" also means that it wasn't deliberate.

Ultimately, the reason why there's pushback on this sort of topic is because "there were famines under (if not specifically committed by) communism" is used as a rhetorical cudgel against never ever ever wanting to try socialism / communism ever again.

For people to then point out that there were also famines under (again, if not specifically committed by) capitalism is not "whataboutism", or an attempt to excuse communism's failures by accusing capitalism of having done the same, but rather as an attempt to apply a level of consistency to the argument:

if communism is never to be tried because of all the failures that have occurred under it, why are we not saying the same of capitalism? if we believe that capitalism can be regulated, can be reformed, can have its sharpest edges ground down to prevent the disasters and calamities that it was unable to successfully address, should not communism be granted the same benefit of the doubt?

To suggest otherwise would be ideological dogmatism.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy

Acerbatus posted:

I mean, isn't the government doing gently caress all to actually enforce it - or in other words, anarchy - basically what's happening right now and not working?

The dictionary definition of anarchy is different from anarchism as an ideological tendency within the left.

Further, even though the Federal (and for the most part, state) government is not doing anything to alleviate the pandemic, they are still enforcing status quo behavior... which then leads to people having to go to work regardless of the pandemic, because the banks, the landlords, etc. are still requiring that you pay them, and the police are still going to beat you up if you do not.

And insofar as people are trying to engage in mutual aid, it's not enough, because the amount of surplus value and labor that people can afford to recirculate within mutual aid networks, is often not enough to meet the demands of the people who need it.

Acerbatus posted:

I don't understand this idea of anarchy that has SOME central leadership.

Anarchism does not abhor centralized leadership - rather, it demands that leadership be democratized and be free of coercion.

Crumbskull posted:

Personally, and you'll all eventually put me on ignore for constantly banging on about this, but I view co-operative association as an extremely potent strategy for altering productive relationships (i dont know if thats whay its called i havent read any marx i jusy use context clues) AND they give people an actual material opportunity to practice worker democratic management, develop class solidarity, improve their life materially through anticapitalist action etc. I get a lot of push back from ostensibky.more radical anarchists and 'communists' in town about how co-ops don't go far enough or at risk of succumbing to identity crisis and isomorphism with capitalist enterprise and I guess my answer is: well, no poo poo but until you can figure out another way to pay your bills and get socialism practice at the same time why don't you come to my office and I'll show you how to draft a pro forma.

My view is that co-operatives are (among other things) a way to develop bonds of solidarity between workers, which can eventually be weaponized towards advancing socialism, in the same way that a socialist political party can serve as a nexus for organizing even if you don't expect to be able to legislate socialism into existence.

The danger in both of these cases, and why some farther to the left may tend to scoff at co-operatives (or in the latter case, at electoralism), is when people invest more in the preservation of the organization itself, rather than the long-term goal of building socialism, up to and including merely wielding the co-operative as a tool (meaning it can also be discarded) once the time is right.

This is somewhat exacerbated by co-operatives, as a cog in the larger wheel of capitalism and a free market system, will still have to make decisions relative to contradictions in capitalism, so there is a problem there of workers consenting to exploit themselves, so to speak. Of course, one might say that this is still a non-trivial improvement over a fully-private capitalist firm, but it's something that will have to be reckoned with eventually.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy
A loose distinction that one can make between feudalism and capitalism is that feudalism appropriates surplus value via force/fiat, with the feudal lord essentially being a fusion of the military and economic spheres, while capitalism appropriates surplus value via contracts and legalism - the establishment of the concept of private property and the enclosure of the commons denies most people the ability to provide their own subsistence, which means they need to sell their labor, and the price of labor is controlled by capitalists, etc.

Of course, capitalism still and also relies on brute force to enforce such contracts, such as the police, the general bureaucracy of the state, private security, etc., which I why I said it was merely a "loose" distinction, but I think it should be clear that a proletarian who goes through life "living by the rules" and never runs afoul of the law is still having their surplus value appropriated all of the time merely as a function of capitalist society, without the kind of direct, violent coercion at the point of a feudal lord's sword.

Anyway, capitalism's need to appropriate more and more of the proletariat's surplus value in order to keep propping up the constantly falling rate of profit forms a contradiction with preventing the proletariat from being able to participate in the economy as they're able to afford fewer and fewer goods and services as their wages keep getting progressively smaller. This contradiction will manifest itself in crises and spasms of resistance and even revolutions... but if we get to a state where the capitalists are appropriating so much surplus value from the proletariat that even individual, edge-case proletarians are unable to accumulate capital anymore, and it is only the bayonets pointed at their necks that are keeping the workers in line, then I would argue that we've entered some form of neo-feudalism - the contractual, legalistic obligations of capitalism have failed, and the capitalists enter again into a fusion of the military and economic spheres in order to continue this (by then illusionary) cycle of workers ostensibly working for "wages".

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
Lipstick Apathy

Acerbatus posted:

To my knowledge, no communist government in history has had an actual more than single party system, because doing so goes against the idea of everyone being equal within the community by drawing explicit lines. We can see the end result of that with China, North Korea, etc being dictatorships.

Communist nations are one-party states not out of an egalitarian ideal, but rather because conflicting parties are only ever going to be representative of the interests of certain classes. Given that the Communist party represents the class of the workers and of peasants, and since the goal of a socialist revolution is to establish a proletarian state, there would be no need nor reason to allow for other parties, since that would only ever allow for the seizure of political power by... the bourgeoisie, since they'd be the only class whose interests wouldn't be represented by the worker's party.

Acerbatus posted:

How, then, does communism improve on the current system where a cult of personality can dictate everything?

By democratization within the party. To make a very clumsy analogy, an America that was only ever ruled by a president who is a Democrat, and a Congress composed of Democrats, would not necessarily be a dictatorship, nor would it be a cult of personality, nor would it be undemocratic, in the sense that you'd still have various underlying trends and forces within the party that we see today. Obviously there are problems with this analogy as far as the Democrats being so ideologically varied as a "big tent", but the incompatibility of the politics of Joe Manchin versus that of Bernie Sanders would mean that even under as a "one-party" state, a Democrat-controlled USA would still indeed have diversity of opinion.

And given that the Democrats would presumably run primaries in this hypothetical scenario, there would still be democratic input by the people, there would still be elections, and people could still choose whether they'd like to be represented by Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, or Pete Buttigeig (again, allowing for the stretch in ideological spectrum of a democratic socialist versus a liberal, vis-a-vis the example of Stalin and Trotsky being on the Right-Opposition and Left-Opposition of the SOVNARKOM).

___

One further thing I'd like to touch on here is that the economic context under which a communist state would operate would also necessarily inform its democratic traditions, i.e., you wouldn't have a Joe Biden-esque candidacy happen because you presumably also wouldn't have the kind of oligarchical media that blows up his image and sabotages those of his opponents, or direct oligarchical investments into electioneering to accomplish the same.

CelestialScribe posted:

Why, when speaking to communists and socialists, so many of them use factories as the examples of potential democratic workforces when most people today don't work in factories?

Part of it is because of the context in which most socialist texts were written, as in Marx analyzing the conditions of factory work in 19th century Europe.

Besides that, it's a rather direct and simple/physical way to express the point: a worker applies their labor to assemble a chair (or a part of a chair), and the combination of raw materials + labor creates value in the form of a fully-assembled chair, but the capitalist appropriates the surplus value of that interaction.

I suppose in a modern context you could just as easily put this in the form of a call center: the capitalist invests in the capital of renting office space, workstations, internet connectivity, etc. They hire a call center agent. The agent's labor in the form of answering calls, when combined with the capital invested in the phone and the computer used to perform that service, creates value.

Except the call center has a contract with the capitalist for 9 dollars per hour per agent, but the agent is only getting paid 2 dollars per hour. The other 7 dollars goes into the capitalist's pocket.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
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enki42 posted:

I have a hard time getting behind this. It seems plainly evident to me that different sorts of workers might have different workplace conditions, concerns, and different political outlooks on how things could be solved (for an example, see the approximately 8 bajillion different flavours of socialism that people support, all of which are wholly concerned with workers first and foremost).

I don't want to be uncharitable, but this sounds like "You have democracy. It's just that the party chosen what the correct outcome is ahead of time, and you can vote on that."

VictualSquid posted:

Assuming all the peasants have died out, there is no long term unemployment, there are no career soldiers or politicians, there are no local experiments further along in abolishing the worker/employer distinction. And your country is an ethnostate without any regions considering increased independence.
And that is without acknowledging the fact that most bourgeois democracies have at least two bourgeois parties.

I think formalized parties are the best defence against cults of personalities. I prefer deciding between "green socialist party" and "cyberpunk socialist party" over deciding between president bob and paul.

I want to be clear that what I was pointing out was that the reason for one-party statehood was, as I said, not out of egalitarianism, but rather... what I'd posted is the general gist of the rationale.

This is not to say that this reasoning is to be taken on its face as an absolute, or an established consensus among communists.

What the both of you have pointed out, that there is heterogeneity of views even within the single class of proletarians, and that such heterogeneity should be sufficient justification for a diversity of parties, was identified by other communist thinkers as well

Trotsky, in The Revolution Betrayed posted:

In reality classes are heterogeneous; they are torn by inner antagonisms, and arrive at the solution of common problems no otherwise than through an inner struggle of tendencies, groups, and parties. It is possible, with certain qualifications, to concede that “a party is a part of a class.” But since a class has many “parts”—some look forward and some back—one and the same class may create several parties. For the same reason one party may rest upon parts of different classes. An example of only one party corresponding to one class is not to be found on the whole course of political history—provided, of course, you do not take the police appearance for the reality.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

HELL SERPENT
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Timeless Appeal posted:

2) I've been struggling, especially in terms of Covid, how people in such fields respond to emergency situations. Let me put it this way, if someone in this thread worked in a ladder factory, "My boss says that we're behind quotas and I need to work all this weekend with no promise of pay to get there" we would all tell that person they were being screwed over. But for COVID, I am finding myself sacrificing a lot of my personal time to work not out of a sense of compliance to my manager, but out of responsibility to vulnerable kids in precarious situation.

It is a fundamentally unjust situation for you to be rendering additional work, out of a sense of responsibility and obligation (or even personal pride in one's work), and then not be adequately compensated for it.

In a capitalist context, we tend to say that we shouldn't work beyond what we're paid to do, because we recognize that you're only exploiting yourself further.

When it comes to public service / emergency situations, it's difficult to reconcile this impulse with the fact that lives are on the line. For a lot of people, this does just mean rendering more unpaid work and chalking it up to karma.

Under socialism, the intent would be that not only would such additional work be compensated appropriately*, but that additional capacity would be built** so that you wouldn't need to do the extra work.

* capitalism does not do this because your salary is already planned out ahead of time with respect to its cost as a part of the budget. Paying you more would lead to less profits, so capitalism will not do that, and especially since you have no leverage as an individual, and in fact will rationalize the extra work to yourself even without capitalist propaganda, just because your work saves lives.

** as VictualSquid said, capitalism does not do this because it doesn't believe in having slack capacity over the long term, since anything not needed right now is simply a cost waiting to be cut.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

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VictualSquid posted:

The Russian revolution lead to the masses gaining power at the expense of the feudal ruling class. But they did not gain enough power to start marx's proposeded mechanism of transition from mass rule to full communism.
And because that did not happen, any future post-revolutionary society needs to have a theory explaining that failure and a plan for avoiding that failure.

I'm trying very hard not to be glib as I write this, and certainly this isn't the only reason that the USSR did not transition to full communism, but I think the failure of a global socialist revolution to catch on, and the capitalist encirclement that followed the failure of such a world-spanning movement, are huge factors in why the USSR developed in the way that it did, potentially even if you never changed anything else about Marxist-Leninist theory.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

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as The Oldest Man said, the pessimistic outlook on a breakthrough in personal 3D printing is that it's going to be used to cut out a lot of common items that you currently buy from retail stores and instead you'll have to print them out yourself, except the 3D printer is only going to work with proprietary raw material and you have to pay for a subscription to the blueprint service.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

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Gaunab posted:

I guess this is the best place to put this but if it's not I apologize. I was looking up some stuff about wages and I ended up in a few reddit threads pre covid talking about hourly vs salary and people bragging about working 60 hour weeks because they get overtime. A lot of the bragging came from salaried workers and they wished they were hourly just for the overtime. It confused me that some people would rather work that much just for overtime rather than being paid more for the work they do and/or having extended deadlines so they wouldn't have to work that long. Maybe it's a way to rationalize that changes aren't likely to happen, maybe covid might have changed their outlook or maybe they're just lying but it's so weird to me to be that defined by a job. I just had to get that off my chest.

Yeah I'm kind of the opposite opinion: with a salary I can stop working when I'm done working and not feel like I'm not monetizing enough of my time by working overtime.

I guess it's different when you're living in economic precarity and you want the option to do an extra shift to get some extra cash for that unforeseen expense that needs to be taken care of immediately... but that's really a symptom of people living in economic precarity in the first place, and letting people destroy their bodies just a little bit faster is fundamentally unjust.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

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Sharks Eat Bear posted:

Did Marx acknowledge the history of religion pre-dating capitalism? I assume he would say that religion has the same ultimate control/placating effect across a spectrum of exploitative socieconomic arrangements, and isn’t unique to capitalism?

Yes. The use of religion as a means of societal control was acknowledged as something that isn't unique to capitalism.

Sharks Eat Bear posted:

Where I’m going is that I do believe having some sort of shared faith and rituals is hugely important to solidifying communities, in a way that to me seems integral to the socialist and/or communist project. I suspect there have been tomes written on this by people much smarter than me, so all I’ll say is that in a better society, hard science would be more important as the medium for shared faith and rituals than it would be as the engine of industrial progress.

It was Bakunin that had an especially atheistic bent in his socialism, while Marx's "opiate of the people" remark can be taken to mean less that it needs to be abolished outright, and more that people clinging to religion is a natural outgrowth of them seeking reprieve from their feelings of oppression.

That most socialists of the late 19th and early 20th centuries had some atheistic leanings to one degree or another comes from how the Church was a much more powerful influence than it used to be, and "progressive" movements within the Church were not nearly as prevalent.

Of course, nowadays, we do tend to recognize the "utility" of religiosity within socialist projects.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

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Neoliberals don't like "the state" because they want everything left up to the free market.

Taken a step further towards libertarianism, they don't like "the state" because they don't want corporations to be regulated, whether you believe that's because they think an unregulated free market is how it's supposed to work, or because they just want to run their companies more haphazardly and greedily.

When a government ultimately gets taken over by neoliberal interests, it results in bad governance. When people experience bad governance, they tend to blame the government. This is not wrong, per se, but there is of course a difference between saying that "we should stop the government from being able to do things, because it keeps doing bad things", versus recognizing that the reason why the government is doing bad things and running things badly, is because it's being run by neoliberals.

Some people are shifting towards mutual aid and anarchist forms of organization because they want to do something outside of getting the government to do it, whether it's because they think that the government cannot ever be made to do good, or because they think that it's too difficult right now to win electoral victories or immediate executive concessions, or because people need help Right Now and you can't wait around that long even if you could protest hard enough to win a second stimulus check.

Or we might say that this is a line of thinking that isn't even particularly unique to the circumstances of 2020, because the American government has been bad for long enough that you could come out with an anarchist view of things just from everything that's happened in the last decade up to 2019, never mind the specific further radicalizing moments of how the US has handled COVID, or how the Democrats rigged the primaries against Bernie a second time.

Having said all that, my read is that this person is worried about the tension between anarchism and the sort of social democrat programme that Sanders's movement wanted, because the latter is contingent upon placing a lot of power into the hands of the state, and people might be suspicious of that.

gradenko_2000
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Sharks Eat Bear posted:

I suppose it’s a possible thing to worry about, although I imagine the number of anarchists who are so deeply anti-state that it creates meaningful tension with the Sanders movement is vanishingly small. Seems like a very marginal worry, in the scheme of the rest of the perils & crises of neoliberalism that the interview discusses.

Yeah, I broadly agree. I think anyone who's meaningfully on the left is capable of recognizing that "make healthcare be government-run? what if the Republicans get ahold of it?" is a disingenuous argument, and especially when "government-run healthcare" is something that all Americans across the political spectrum approve of when polled about it.

gradenko_2000
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Sucrose posted:

I guess my point is, in Marxism, how do you make sure you don't end up living in just another Communist dictatorship? Where did those societies go wrong?

To be able to properly address this question we would have to get into a discussion of why you'd consider I'm assuming the USSR to be a "dictatorship".

gradenko_2000
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Cpt_Obvious posted:

2. The Chinese Firewall is surprisingly easy to bypass. All it takes is a VPN (at least that's all it took as of 4 years ago, I haven't been there since).

This is somewhat tangential to the current topic but I do want to point out that the "Great Firewall of China" is not primarily an instrument of social control, as China watchers would have you believe.

Indeed, it's very easy as a private individual to circumvent the firewall - but it's NOT easy to do this if you are a business, which points us towards the firewall as a form of digital protectionism. They successfully managed to isolate their domestic internet space from the likes of Google, Facebook, eBay, and Amazon as business entities, which has allowed them to develop their own home-grown social media sites and e-Commerce industries.

gradenko_2000
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CelestialScribe posted:

Then why is political speech so heavily regulated online in China?

I'm not suggesting that online political speech in China isn't heavily regulated, or isn't regulated at all, or that the firewall itself isn't used for that among other things.

I'm saying that the economic rationale for the firewall's existence is far too often unmentioned or understated.

gradenko_2000
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CYBEReris posted:

I've heard that the "firewall" is mostly in place so that the local environment is the default and chinese apps have room to breathe there without being squashed by the western monopolies, how accurate is that?

That's what I previously wrote, yes - it's very easy to bypass as a private individual, but not as a business, and it acts as what we might call internet protectionism for the PRC.

gradenko_2000
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would the heterogeneity of the CPC support the idea that a "one-party state" is still capable of presenting a diversity of tendencies, groups, and policies?

I'm specifically referring to this quote from Trotsky:

quote:

In reality classes are heterogeneous; they are torn by inner antagonisms, and arrive at the solution of common problems no otherwise than through an inner struggle of tendencies, groups, and parties. It is possible, with certain qualifications, to concede that “a party is a part of a class.” But since a class has many “parts”—some look forward and some back—one and the same class may create several parties. For the same reason one party may rest upon parts of different classes. An example of only one party corresponding to one class is not to be found on the whole course of political history—provided, of course, you do not take the police appearance for the reality.

In here, he's arguing against the Soviet Union only allowing for one party, because that party represents the workers and the peasants, and any other party would only be used to represent other classes, which would be unnecessary because you want the workers and the peasants to be the ruling class.

gradenko_2000
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As I understand it, police abolition, at bottom, has to do deal with the problem that cops are the institution that are going to enforce private property and enclosure under capitalism. Broadly speaking, if you don't have enough money to buy food, the cops are the ones who are supposed to make sure you starve rather than be able to just take food that you didn't pay for. If you can't afford rent, the cops are the ones who are supposed to make sure you remain homeless rather than be able to just squat in an unoccupied house.

Even if they guard the food and disperse the homeless tent communes non-racistly and without "excessive force", for however that's defined, that they're enforcing the built-in cruelties of capitalism means that they're a problem even if they're "only" inflicting the "soft" violence of denying people food and shelter from lack of ability to pay.

This is why the police need to be abolished even if the police were merely only doing their jobs as politely as possible (again, as hypothetical and as unlikely as that sounds), because their job itself is the issue, but more broadly that's why capitalism needs to be abolished, because the problem isn't just that the police are enforcing private property and enclosure, but also that private property and enclosure are themselves an unjust concept that shouldn't be enforced by anyone to begin with, and even if you went as far as abolishing the police, the next Thing that's tasked with that enforcement is still going to be problematic.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

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Would the thread appreciate an explanation of the Tendency for the Rate of Profit to Fall?

This excerpt was taken from "The City: London and the Global Power of Finance", by Tony Norfield

quote:

Marx argues that there is a ‘progressive tendency of the general rate of profit to fall’ and this is ‘just an expression peculiar to the capitalist mode of production of the progressive development of the social productivity of labour’.²⁸ Elsewhere, Marx states that this is ‘in every respect the most important law of modern political economy, and the most essential for understanding the most difficult relations’.²⁹ As such, it is worth spending a little time on this subject.

Competition between companies forces them to cut costs. They may try different ways of doing this, including cutting pay, or moving production to low-wage areas, but these manoeuvres can only go so far. In the end, they have to raise productivity. Raising productivity means that more commodities are produced per worker in a given time, thereby increasing the mass of the means of production – raw materials, machinery and technology – compared to the number of workers employed and the labour time they work. This is what Marx called a rise in the ‘technical composition’ of capital. Alongside this, the value of the means of production will also tend to increase relative to the money that capitalists have to advance to pay wages. For example, even the infamous Foxconn, with its vast assembly plants in China employing very low-paid workers, had to increase the number of robots a hundredfold in order to lower its unit production costs further.³⁰

Marx’s concept of the rising ‘organic composition’ of capital is used to refer to the process of capital accumulation where both the technical and the value compositions rise together. This combined ‘organic’ concept of the composition of capital is critical for understanding what happens to capitalist profitability. While the number of hours of surplus labour determines the amount of capitalist profit, the rate of profit is measured by the amount of profit divided by the value of the total capital invested. The implications for the rate of profit can be seen by taking a typical worker in a productive capitalist enterprise as an example.

Productivity increases will usually mean that the value represented by the worker’s wage will fall, because the socially necessary labour time contained in the commodities the worker needs to buy also falls. But even if it costs nothing to hire the worker, he or she must still work for less than twenty-four hours a day. So there is a limit to how much surplus value a worker can produce for the capitalist. But there is no definite limit to the mass of raw materials and machinery that he or she can work with. Over time, the mass of profit created by the worker will tend not to rise as much as the value of the capital invested in the means of production rises. This results in a tendency for the rate of profit per worker to fall, and so too throughout the whole capitalist economy.

This tendency is modified in practice by many factors. Improved productivity often means that a given portion of the means of production, such as computers or raw materials, will cost less than before. But usually a revamp of the productive system is needed for significant productivity increases. In this case, companies do not work with the same amount of machinery, etc., that now costs less; they must work with a new, expanded system of machinery. Each item may cost less, but there are more of them used per worker. Unless the productivity gains are dramatic, the socially necessary labour time embodied in the expanded system of machinery and raw materials per worker will tend to increase. There are of course examples of dramatic productivity improvements that do significantly cut costs for capitalist businesses: more efficient transport systems such as container ships; better telecommunications; new or improved computer technologies; and the use of cheaper synthetic materials. These can certainly have the effect of boosting the rate of profit. But this effect will also wear off, and the cost of investing in research for the next innovation also has to be taken into account. It is obvious that the volume of machinery and raw materials per worker will rise inexorably; it is only the cost of this greater volume that might sometimes be lower, or rise very little.

Over time, perhaps many years, the rate of profit will thus tend to fall. As it does so, the capitalist system becomes more prone to crises. Companies may earn more or less than the average rate of profit, but, as the average drops, more of them come closer to making a loss. Even if their rate of profit is still positive, the amount of profit they make might be insufficient to provide them with the funds necessary to invest in the new technology they need to stay competitive.

There are two consequences of this long-term trend to lower profitability. One is that profit becomes a specifically capitalist barrier to improving productivity, or even to producing anything at all. What is produced is not determined by what society decides democratically or by what science is capable of engineering. It is only a question of whether an investment will make a profit, not a question of delivering what society needs with the resources it has available. This Marxist indictment of capitalism is more fundamental than those criticisms that focus on monopolistic barriers to production or on how the struggle for ownership and control of the world’s resources can lead to war.

The second consequence is that, as it becomes more difficult to generate a profit via capitalist production, ‘making money’ via finance begins to look like the easier option, particularly for those countries in a privileged position to take it. This was the context for the huge explosion of financial dealing from the 1980s, the seeds of which were sown in the 1970s as the world capitalist economy came under serious strain. The financial illusion of creating value out of nothing, particularly by extending credit, can work for a while. But when there is insufficient new value produced on which the illusion can feed, the world is then confronted with an increased burden of debts that cannot be repaid.

It is this problem of capitalist debt repayment that plagues the world today, seen most evidently in the col- lapse of the Greek economy as European creditors desperately search for ways of getting their money back. Some form of debt write-off for Greece has seemed in- evitable since its crisis first broke in 2010, but that would then create a huge problem for the creditors. They find it difficult to recognise as a reality, because they are already faced with massive financial liabilities of their own. Collapsed property bubbles in some countries have left many banks with dubious mortgage loan ‘assets’; in others, governments have struggled to maintain a semblance of financial viability as their spending on pensions, welfare payments and social services runs beyond what their stricken economies can afford. A ‘debt crisis’ is not really a crisis of debt, but more a sign that the economy’s production of value can no longer support the previous illusion of wealth. The chronic nature of the current crisis, with persistently low rates of growth compared to earlier decades, is another sign that the game is up.

Rather than being the result of terrible, avoidable mistakes, as government policy advisers like to claim when advocating their ‘solutions’, economic crises play an important role in the capitalist market system. They are both the culmination of previous economic trends and a means by which the rate of profit might be increased back to levels that will allow investment and growth to resume. This can happen in several ways. If capital values are destroyed through a collapse in asset and commodity prices, those capitalists left standing will be able to buy means of production more cheaply and so secure a higher rate of return on their investments. This was what happened after the Second World War. But, at least in the rich countries today, governments have been reluctant to allow the mechanism of crisis to get into full swing, fearing social turmoil. Instead, huge levels of debt, which in earlier crisis resolutions would have been either written off or devalued, still remain in place. As a result, one of the classic mechanisms for resolving a crisis, the destruction of capital values, has not, at the time of writing (mid-2015), yet come into play. The major central banks have done their best to prevent this outcome with successive ‘quantitative easing’ policies and historically low interest rates; weaker countries have more directly borne the brunt of the economic damage.

Another key way of trying to restore profitability is to increase the exploitation of the workforce, by cutting real wages and imposing onerous new conditions. So far in the rich countries, this has only been attempted in a piecemeal fashion. For example, between 2010 and 2014, the number of people in the UK on ‘zero hour’ contracts, with no guaranteed working hours, quadru- pled to some 700,000, or 2.3 per cent of all employees.³¹ More drastic measures have been taken in poorer countries.

Related to this is a third policy driven by the exigencies of the crisis: the elimination of ‘waste’. This involves expenditures that capital can do without, those that do not look like directly contributing to profitability, either now or in the near future. Why bother paying to educate workers with public funds when there are plenty of skilled and educated workers available already? Why bother providing more than the absolute minimum of health and welfare services? This is the reality behind so-called austerity policies today, to the extent that even the privileges of the middle-class professions, traditional bastions of support for established political parties in all countries, are coming under attack.

gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

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My take on this is what we generally understand to mean as being what's good for the company/its stakeholders is no longer true.

An excerpt from Cedric Durand's "Fictitious Capital":







gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

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Tweezer Reprise posted:

I hope this doesn't count as a necropost, but I've recently had a particular fire lit under me after learning a lot more than I used to know about Yeltsin's coup in 1993, and my attention has shifted backwards to Gorbachev. Does anyone have any good books about him and the late era of Soviet history? My (perhaps flawed) impression of Gorbachev at present is basically FDR though the looking glass, so to speak: a singular figure trying to keep the house from coming down by putting his ear to the ground and attempting to harness the adversarial forces bubbling up, to reform by folding the corners all back into a cooperating unit. This worked for FDR: the American state in the 30s and 40s more fully became the master of capitalism instead of merely its interlocutor and conduit. This however, did not work for Gorbachev, and I'd love to learn more about why, and if there was any conceivable way for the Soviet Union not to fall apart post-Brezhnev.

I would recommend "Armageddon Averted" by Stephen Kotkin as a look into the final days of the Soviet Union

gradenko_2000
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DrSunshine posted:

I'm interested in learning about the necessary material preconditions for capitalism's existence. Have any writers identified what environmental states must exist in order for capitalism to exist, or written extensively about the relationship between capitalism and the underlying physical world?

digging up this post I made in another thread from a long time ago:

gradenko_2000 posted:

I just finished "The Origin of Capitalism", by Ellen Meiksins Wood.

The first point the book makes is that "capitalism" is a very specific economic system that isn't just "people trading stuff". The act of buying a good cheaply and selling it for a higher price later on, or somewhere else, is just commerce, but it isn't capitalism. The feudal system of serfs having to work for a lord, or even the Enlightenment-era absolutist system of taxation to a centralized bureaucracy are both examples of appropriation of value, but neither of those are capitalism.

Under a strict definition, capitalism was an economic system that began sometime in the 16th to 17th century, and began specifically in England.

The central thesis of the book lays out a case against the popular narrative that the emergence of capitalism is a deterministic conclusion of a society that manages to hoard enough "primitive accumulation" (as Marxists might put it), followed by or in conjunction with the establishment of market behavior. By such standards, the development of capitalism would be inevitable, and is bound to happen as soon as a country / region / state becomes rich enough and decides to sever the fetters of feudalism.

Rather, capitalism developed in England, first and only, because of a specific confluence of factors. In no particular order:

1. The Enclosure movement, or the conversion of common land into private property, and the accompanying ideological rationale that justified it (as driven by liberal thinkers such as John Locke), followed by the enforcement of such rights by The State.

2. The dispossession of land from serfs. This would eventually lead towards the formation of a proletariat. That is, the absence of a similar movement in, say, France or Germany, meant that the peasants in those countries still owned the means of production, and did not have to resort to having to sell their labor-power (and nothing else).

3. The development of land rents based on some contemporary measure of "market value", as opposed to fixed rents as practiced in feudal societies.

Under feudalism, the overlord of a feudal land-holding would extract productivity from serfs via a combination of military and economic coercion, but as long as the serfs could meet that demand (and granting that sometimes they didn't), there was not much of a need to produce more than that, and the serfs still actually owned the same land that they worked. Under absolutism, the extraction was done via taxation, and the extractors were part of a centralized bureaucracy, but the same dynamics largely applied.

However, under English "agrarian capitalism":

A person could now own land (i.e. become a landlord in the capitalist sense), and then rent out the land to tenants. The amount of rent could vary, and therefore there was an incentive for the landlord to adjust their rent rate to whatever could bring them the most profit, lest they be bought-out by richer landlords.

The tenant could hire workers to work the land, and any difference between the value of the harvest, and rent they had to pay, was profit, and so there was an incentive to reduce costs-of-production and labor costs, improve yields and outputs, and so on.

The workers did not own any land, and had to sell their labor-power to earn a wage.

Since the product of the land (i.e. food) was what would be used to pay off the cost of the lease taken out by the tenant, and since there was now a market in leases, then the price of the food would itself be subject to market forces. And this would reverberate down to everything else.

The end result was that the landlords and the tenants were now incentivized to engage in profit-maximization behavior, while workers had to work to survive. The value extraction had shifted from being performed by the political/economic merger of the feudal lord, to being performed by the purely economic imperatives. The author harps on this phrase a lot, and it's important, because it highlights that once the system "got going", everyone was "trapped" in it.

The book later goes on to contrast this to how other countries, such as the Dutch Republic or France, did not develop capitalism, because they lacked the same conditions in one or two critical ways. Capitalism eventually spread to these other countries as capitalist-logic started applying to Britain's commercial and later imperialist ventures, but capitalism was spread TO them, rather than it developing outside of England in its own right, and never quite in the same form, or with the same effects.

It's a good book, and I'd highly recommend it, in particular because it shows what recent scholarship can do to challenge and iterate on orthodox Marxism.

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gradenko_2000
Oct 5, 2010

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Owlofcreamcheese posted:

which wealthy? putin is a super billionaire but the president of ukraine seems to be "owner of a used car lot" upper middle class. It seems like an invasion, not two equally matched foes being used as pawns under capitalism.

I think the "other wealthy" here juxtaposed against Russia is the West

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