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Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

Hyrax Attack! posted:

Were there any plans to use US carriers in the European theatre aside from convoy/submarine hunting? Or were they not needed because of the proximity of UK bases to the continent?

Absolutely there were. The US Navy started World War 2 with half its carrier fleet in the Atlantic and regardless of the Pacific situation kept one fleet carrier in the Atlantic until 1944. Not just carriers too. The US Navy kept 2+ battleships in the Atlantic until 1944 for many of the same reasons.

The reasons for are a litany of unrealized potentials:
1. First and foremost is to hunt German fleet units. This really was a concern right up until 1944
2. Invasion of the Azores islands
3. Operation Jupiter: Invasion of Norway
4. Operation Sledgehammer: Invasion of the Brest peninsula
5. Invasion of Vichy French Caribbean islands

And the realized potentials:
1. Replace Royal Navy Home Fleet units to allow Britain to reinforce the Mediterranean or Indian Ocean (instead of USN units)
2. Deploy land-based air power across the Atlantic to crisis points faster than shipping planes by freighter
3. Operation Torch: Invasion of French North Africa

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Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

PittTheElder posted:

What was the bathroom plan for tanks in an NBC environment? Can you even still empty yourself into a shell casing and then toss it out somehow?

Just as you indicate, Robert Dick in his memoir, Cutthroats: The Adventures of a Sherman Tank Driver in the Pacific, has a great passage recollecting a moment on Okinawa when a crewman of his tank needed a casing to relieve himself. Their tank was buttoned up behind the line waiting to be called forward. Because they hadn’t gone into action yet, they were bereft of spent casings when his crewmate couldn’t wait anymore. To answer the need, the gunner cranked the turret off to the side and loosed a round. The fresh, hot casing was then used as the necessary and chucked out the disposal port.

Regarding NBC conditions, I imagine it simplifies the NBC design to have tank rounds that fully combust the casing and thus require no complicated NBC-proof disposal port. However, it does make me all the more curious how tank crews relieve themselves in NBC environments. My personal design submission to the DoD has a portion of tank ammunition stowage devoted to special toilet rounds. The round itself is used as toilet, then loaded into the gun, and fired towards the enemy. This system piggybacks on the NBC-proof gun system to extricate sewage from the tank in the most offensive manner possible with maximum effect upon enemy morale.

My proprietary toilet shell can also be used to shoot locally sourced bee hives, acid, etc. at the enemy.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
The following 1939 quote from Rear Admiral Rowcliff responding to the General Board solicitation for comments on the cruiser building program provides some candid comments from the cruiser perspective of the impact that a 30kt battleship could have upon the necessary characteristics for the battle fleet.

“Rear Admiral G. J. Rowcliff, Commander Cruisers, Scouting Force, to Chairman, General Board, Subject: Cruisers in General, 26 October 1939” posted:


Paragraph 5.d.2 Speed. If these cruisers are to be used "in the fleet" with 30 knot 45,000 ton battleships and present carriers their speed should approach 40 knots. A fleet cruiser should have about 10 knots superior speed over the battleships and carriers. However, I am opposed to temperature and pressure so high as to be critical; machinery so complicated that war-time personnel cannot operate it efficiently, and so packed in as to require disabling the ship to repair a pump. These considerations operate to increase tonnage, which is logical and not incompatible with other valuable features.

Paragraph 7 Ships. From the characteristics cited for the cruisers in general, it does not appear exactly what they are to be used for, - whether in the fleet or out of the fleet, - and how. I hear that we are to build some 30 knot 45,000 ton battleships; if so, the cruisers anticipated appear to be too slow, and probably too small. It appears unpractical to build a large class of heavy cruisers, then another large class of light cruisers, then numerous destroyers (in several classes) with regard to the characteristics of the battleships, if they are to work together. Therefore, we might well take time to establish a basis for construction, even if we must start anew.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

Darcy C. Coyle, Censored Mail, (Francestown, NH: Marshall Jones, 1989), 57. posted:

U.S.S. Ranger (At Sea)
8 May, 1942
Dearest Connie,
Just so you can keep track, I last wrote on May 1st. That letter and this one should leave the ship at the same time – but that time is some distance in the future. I have no news that will pass the censor, so this is non-news.

After a few days out of sight of land, I always get the feeling that the ship is steaming steadily without moving and without changing direction. It is the ocean, moving under and around the ship, that travels in long swells along the entire circle of the horizon. With changes of course or formation, other ships in view appear to turn and revolve around my ship, my true center of the universe. The sky puzzles, for it refuses to accept a fixed relationship to either ocean or ship. The sun, moon, planets and stars seem to rise from any directions that suit their fancy, then they wheel and play about the heavens until they decide to go below the horizon again. No wonder the Ancients believed all celestial bodies revolved around the earth!

When we are at sea, no matter how confused the sun and stars may seem, I feel that RANGER’s bow always heads west. During our recent stays in port, I sometimes had sufficient time ashore to become accustomed to the rising of stellar bodies in the east and their setting in the west. When I came back to the ship, I would climb the gangway, salute the fantail and the officer of the deck, cross the hangar-deck quaterdeck and – stop, for I was disoriented and momentarily lost! Then, I would look about, pick out some familiar object on the hangar deck that was attached to the ship, shed all directional signals derived from the shore, and consciously reorient myself. In ten or twenty seconds, the familiar would snap back into place and I could go on to my quarters.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

Vahakyla posted:

How did World War 2 era fleet carriers do water? Where did drinking water come from and how was it stored? How about showers?

Prewar US carriers had tanks for approximately 80,000 gallons of potable water (exclusive of boiler feed water and reserves) and daily desalination capacity of approximately 80,000 gallons.

The Essex class during WW2 had tanks for approximately 106,000 gallons of potable water (exclusive of boiler feed water and reserves) and daily desalination capacity of approximately 166,000 gallons.

These equate to roughly 40 gallons per person of daily desalination capacity. However, as Cessna points out, this number depends on the good operation of the desalination system, and as MikeCrotch points out it also depends on any requirement of the system to backfill boiler feed and reserves. Circumstances can affect the capacity of the system and require water rationing.

A common major impact to the system was the accumulation of many personnel above and beyond the design limits of the vessel. This most often occurred due to the addition of anti-aircraft guns and sensors to vessels.

Urcinius fucked around with this message at 21:15 on Aug 1, 2022

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
Thanks for the question Vahakyla. It inspired me to look more closely at the characteristic cards for the WW2 US fleet carrier classes regarding supplies. This time I noticed that of all the classes, Ranger had significantly more fresh food stowage capacity relative to its personnel complement than any other US fleet carrier. It had double the stowage over the Enterprise and Essex classes. The most stark example being eggs. Enterprise had egg stowage for 26 days while Ranger had stowage for 80! This goes some way to explain why Ranger had a reputation for being a particularly well fed ship.

Long had I assumed this reputation was based primarily on Ranger having better access to the continental United States than any other fleet carrier. However, this assumption was flawed if critically analyzed because prior to 1944 the vast majority of Ranger’s time was spent at sea, stationed in Bermuda, stationed in Placentia Bay, or on loan to the Home Fleet in Scapa Flow or Iceland. It’s only in 1945 that Ranger is stationed regularly at San Francisco or San Diego. For example, Ranger was capable of making a 36 day sortie to Africa with fresh food to spare whereas Enterprise would have been had to rely on dry provisions 3/4ths of the way home. It’s the combination of significantly greater capacity and greater relative access to the continental US that created the opportunity for Ranger to achieve a food reputation.

To hazard a guess why Ranger had significantly greater fresh food stowage, I will postulate that the root cause of Ranger’s immense fresh food stowage was due to it being the first large US Navy vessel designed to have a cafeteria mess. It had what might have been considered excessive fresh food stowage because the US Navy did not yet have experience designing the mess stowage for a cafeteria system.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
To illustrate the differences in fresh food stowage between US carrier classes more fully with combat operations:

Ranger departed Norfolk on 3 October 1942 for Operation TORCH and returned to Norfolk on 24 November 1942. If Ranger had been fully provisioned prior to departure, it would have run out of fresh food just a few days short of returning to Norfolk when imminent arrival home would smooth over the lack of fresh food upon morale. In contrast, Enterprise departed Pearl Harbor on 15 July 1942 for Operation WATCHTOWER. By 10 August 1942 off Guadalcanal, Enterprise would have run out of any fresh food it had brought from Pearl Harbor. It was reliant on the supply situation in the South Pacific for any fresh food in the midst of Operation WATCHTOWER.

This comparison does not account for the pitstops both took at advance bases on their way to the landings. Ranger stopped over in Bermuda and Enterprise stopped over at Tongatapu. However, I have no record of any significant provisioning of fresh food received at these advance bases. On the other side of the ledger, I don't have any records either of if they shared out any of their stores to the other vessels of their respective task forces. For the purposes of this comparison, I consider the two cancel each other out.

Also, this comparison does not account for the option to ration fresh food, but rationing only mitigates and does not solve fresh food shortages.

I may have used 1942 as an example, but the supply situation for fresh food was not fully solved at advance bases and underway replenishment until potentially 1945. Most vessels were incapable of supplying themselves for long upon reaching the front. Just shifting to an advance base at the front, the average fleet carrier could expend 1/3 of its fresh food. More than any other navy, the US Navy moved a mountain of logistics to the front, but even Beans, Bullets, and Black Oil is replete with statements that, although everyone was fed, the demand for fresh food exceeded supply in the Pacific.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
Speak of the devil. Stumbled on these recommendations while reviewing action reports of Enterprise.

USS Enterprise CV6, Action Report, Operations in Support of the Landings on Okinawa Phase II, 5-13 April 1945 posted:

Part VI. Special Comments and Information, Battle Rations
(a) As it is the established and governing policy in this ship to keep “buttoned up” in condition, “Able throughout the ship”, in combat area, it is imperative that battle rations be made available and utilized by all hands, for at least one or two meals each day while operating in such forward areas. The usual unsatisfactory experience has been had in feeding sandwich rations – augmented with fresh fruit when available and coffee – inasmuch as the time required by cooks and bakers to prepare approximately 6000 sandwiches, etc., necessitates opening up galley spaces for too long a period and sandwiches in this quantity dry out after preparation before issue and use. As an alternative, the method was tried of using only one sandwich and adding hard boiled eggs to cut down time of preparation, but this procedure while faster, required steam and water supply to galley hence necessitating the violating of condition “Able” to a small degree.

(b) Army ration “C” was obtained at PEARL for trial use and found to be satisfactory as a substitute for sandwiches and also served to further disperse emergency food rations throughout the ship for use in the event of battle damage to normal provision stowage spaces, however; this ration has little variety to its content, and gets extremely monotonous in continued use.

(c) In continued and further efforts to better battle ration subsistence, a supply of the new Army “K” ration was obtained through ComSeron Ten. This ration has been found excellent for the purpose used as it has three distinctly different meals for variety and balanced diet, it is also well packed and waterproof which insures the ration being in good condition when opened for use, it is packed for individual consumption, as a unit, and is boxed in a number (36 units) which is convenient for issue to battle ration groups aboard. The Army “K” ration is the best that has been obtained for battle ration use to date and it is strongly recommended that such ration be made available through regular naval sources of provision supply at advanced bases to vessels operating under combat conditions.

USS Enterprise CV6, Action Report, Operations in Support of the Landings on Okinawa Phase III, 3-16 May 1945 posted:

Part VI. Special Comments and Information, C-4 Supply
During present operation, a further study was conducted to ascertain which ration – “K” or “C”, from an overall standpoint, was considered the most satisfactory “battle ration”. Based on the factors of: facility of distribution, variety, balanced diet, and satisfaction of personnel, - the “K” ration proved to be far superior. It is, therefore, again recommended that “K” ration be made available for distribution to combatant ships in the forward area until such time as a more suitable battle ration can be provided.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

1945 April 070925 CTF 51 to COM5THFLT Info CINCPAC (Nimitz Graybook) posted:

I MAY BE CRAZY BUT I THINK THE JAPS HAVE QUIT THE WAR AT LEAST FOR THE TIME BEING.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
The mention of the Navy assisting as a training opportunity reminded me of a bit from the Falklands War of fortuitous submarine sighting training.

Marino Sciaroni. A Carrier At Risk: Argentine Aircraft Carrier and Anti-Submarine Operations Against the Royal Navy’s Attack Submarines During the 1982 South Atlantic War. Pg. 60-61 posted:

The last hurdle that the aircraft carrier and its escorts would have to face would be to get past the threat posed by the superbly manned HMS Spartan, possibly the most dangerous of the steel sharks which was still stalking the fleet.

Without being aware of any of this, Capitán Dabini’s aircraft, with the customary assistance from the Landing Signal Officer (LSO), landed back on board without any serious problems at 0950 hrs.

As Capitán Dabini’s Tracker touched down, the carrier was completely alone; its escorts had remained in the Golfo San Matías in an area that was deemed to be off limits to the British submarines due to its shallow waters. This was a false assumption.

Indeed, an Argentine Air Force Fokker F-27 transport aircraft, with the registration TC-78 (callsign “Titan”), carrying out a reconnaissance support mission for the Task Force, reported the sighting of a submarine at periscope depth at a position of 40°15’S, 60°15’W, 150 miles from Puerto Belgrano and some 30 miles behind the carrier, on a course of 190°.

The Argentine Navy and Air Force had coordinated a series of surface search sorties with the aim of detecting any possible threats to the naval surface units. These flights were carried out mainly by the twin-engined Fokker F-27s, an aircraft that was not appropriate for the maritime reconnaissance role but, of course, the Air Force didn’t really possess any aircraft that were more suitable.

The idea was to do everything possible to avoid an intruder positioning itself in coastal waters (long-range reconnaissance tasks were being performed by the Air Force Boeing 707s), but the flights were sparse, the equipment not very suitable and the crews untrained in carrying out flights over water.

This flight, which had taken off from Viedma at 1400 hrs and was not due to return until 1845 hrs, was commanded by Mayor O. Botto with the rest of the crew made up of Capitán Carlos Romeo Filippi, Capitán Julio Mirgone and the NCOs Altamiranda, Sequí y Godoy.

The submarine had been spotted by the pilot, co-pilot and a crewman. During a second pass, carried out at a height of some 5,000 feet, the submarine had submerged, and it was possible to see the fin, periscope and wake.

Because of this detection, a Sea King was launched from the carrier, some thirty minutes later, towards the datum. The crew of the F-27 was not qualified for the task of searching for submarines (which required special training), and a fruitless search by the helicopter ensued. During the helicopter’s return to the carrier, its crew classified the sighting as NONSUB and were sure that the Air Force crew had made a blunder.

The Sea King’s experience Observer, again Teniente Edgardo García, recalled:

“In less than thirty minutes we had taken off in the Sea King, but we had our doubts about the sighting of this submarine as the crew were not trained on how to classify submarine sightings. For this reason, and as we searched and found nothing, the sighting by the Air Force was rejected, stating that they had probably seen a whale.”

Without devaluing the crew of the Fokker, the Navy crew had good reason for thinking this way, as during times of peace and exercises there had been innumerable cases of detection which later turned out to be whales, reflections, waves and even magnetic anomalies in the Earth – all of which to the human eye or the aircraft sensors appeared to be a submarine.

These false sightings had multiplied during the conflict. For this reason, only personnel specially trained in anti-submarine operations were permitted to classify a sighting as a CERTSUB. Additionally, it did not help the credibility of the report by the crew of “Titan” flight that they radioed insistently to the aircraft carrier Independencia (which was the name of the previous fleet carrier to 25 de Mayo) requesting the immediate launch of A-4Q fighter bomber aircraft… to attack a submarine.

The Fokker would later continue its flight to the access channel for Bahia Blanca (near the main Argentine naval base), where it reported another submarine, this time remarking that it was of smaller size and a different colour.

To the surprise of everybody, the sighting that they reported was the Argentine Navy submarine ARA Salta, which was on its way to its final work-up mission, prior to its planned deployment to the war zone.

Because of this sighting, the Fokker crew was automatically qualified in anti-submarine warfare; therefore, their initial sighting immediately gained more credibility. For this reason, it was decided, therefore, to reclassify their “false” sighting as a certain submarine, or CERTSUB.

Consequently, ARA Salta was immediately ordered to return to port and the Tracker Squadron was tasked with another anti-submarine sortie.

At 1850 hrs Tracker 2-AS-24 (under the command of Capitán de Corbeta Goitía) took off and headed to the datum, where it dropped a field of seven sonobuoys which it then headed back to the aircraft carrier. This aircraft was then relieved by 2-AS-26, which had taken off also at 2330 hrs and monitored the same sonobuoys without incident, and then a newly laid field, before landing back on deck at 0441 hrs.

Tracker 2-AS-24 was then launched once more into a murky dawn the following morning, taking off at 0540 hrs under the command of Teniente de Navio Garabaglia (with Teniente de Fragata “Chelo” Alvarez, and NCOs Lencina and Valljos) for another anti-submarine search from an updated datum (now 40°16’S, 60°05’W), without obtaining any results before finally landing at 1040 hrs. For this search, a new pattern of sonobuoys was sown.

It is interesting to note the sonobuoy fields were laid to the east of the submarine sighting, on the assumption it would attempt to head for deeper waters, based on the operational experience gained the day before.

Unfortunately for the squadron, although the area covered was increased in line with the farthest that it could have possibly moved (Farthest-on-Circle), no submarine was detected by the time the operations were terminated at 2230 hrs on the 7th, with the Trackers having flown 11 hours in addition to several hours of the Sea King.

The contact that had been detected was in the area allocated to HMS Spartan. But the submarine had not yet arrived, making this contact another ghost of the war. A big, black, submerged ghost.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
In the gifs, looks like Enterprise is in a developed turn and would thus be doing about 18kts around an 800yd circle.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
The US Navy's monograph, Naval Aviation Combat Statistics—World War II (https://www.history.navy.mil/content/dam/nhhc/research/histories/naval-aviation/aviation-monographs/nasc.pdf), not only has a lot of fascinating data and interpretations, but the data can even be reinterpreted - especially by comparing data across multiple tables.

For fun, I tried to separate the "action sorties" of 1942 actions into the individual fleet carriers (CVs 2-8). The year 1942 is the only one in which this finite level of separation is easily possible as 1943 & beyond has a magnitude greater number of carriers (all types) and multi-carrier actions are the rule rather than the exception. Even then 1942 is inexact as I simply distributed actions sorties equally between all participating carriers in multi-carrier actions.

Important details:
- Definition of "Action Sortie" = "Number of planes taking off on a mission which eventuated in an attack on an enemy target or in aerial combat, or both. This basis of tabulation was the number of planes of one squadron taking off on the mission. If any of these planes had action, the entire squadron's planes on the mission were counted as action sorties, including abortive planes, planes which reached the target but did not attack, and planes which escorted or patrolled but did not engage in combat. Thus if 16 VF took off as escort, 2 returned early, 2 engaged in combat, and 4 strafed, all 16 were counted as action sorties. On the other hand, if 8 VF took off for escort, and none engaged in any sort of attack or combat, then none were counted as action sorties, even though they reached the target, and even though the escorted bombers attacked the target. Likewise, CAP planes missions, none of whose planes engaged in combat were not counted as action sorties."

- Data is compiled from thousands of reports across the US Navy's direct participation in World War II. How reports were captured changed over the war. There are some errors from the data and general typographical errors in the monograph. I recommend engaging with the monograph's frontmatter on any concerns about the data.

- In the case of multi-carrier actions, such as the Battle of Midway, I distributed action sorties between all participating carriers equally. Notably, I removed the Wasp from participation in the Battle of Eastern Solomons. The specificity of "Action Sortie" versus sortie dissuaded me from attempting to use war diaries and action reports to precisely identify individual carrier action sorties.

- In the case of multi-day actions, such as the Battle of Coral Sea, I attempted to verify the number of Days by corroborating carrier war diaries. This resulted in shortening North Africa to 3 Days as the only action sorties on 11 November were by a few CVE strikes that mistakenly occurred after the ceasefire.

- Quantity does not directly correlate to quality. The carriers (CVs 2-8) are ranked by quantity with no interpretation of quality.

- Apologies for the table embedded as an image.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
Have a few more tables!
- Apologies again for tables embedded as images

Tons of Bombs Dropped and Enemy Aircraft Engaged & Destroyed for each Action


Tons of Bombs Dropped by each Carrier
- Again, multi-carrier actions are distributed evenly between all participating carriers


Enemy Aircraft Destroyed by each Carrier
- Again, multi-carrier actions are distributed evenly between all participating carriers



In the table in my prior post, average Action Sorties per carrier per day for both Raids and Battles matches one full effort of a carrier air group less reconnaissance & defensive patrols. As already pointed out by others, the average carrier battle did in fact usually involve just one major strike per carrier per day. Whichever side got the worst of the exchange usually retired. Ultimately unsurprising but good that the overall trend generally matches experience.

However, Eastern Solomons is an odd Battle as the number of Actions Sorties per Carrier per Day at 89 far exceeds the average 59.9 - more than one full air group per day. The best I can figure looking at the data and rereading the battle, the US Navy had an unusually successful day with the carriers' CAP shooting down Japanese snoopers. This would inflate the total Action Sorties above the Action Sorties for just strikes, both own offensive strikes and defending against Japanese strikes.


As there are only two Landings in 1942, I decided to compare them more directly. Technically, the choice of additional sources favors every carrier except Ranger. The CVE total sorties includes Non-Action Sorties for the entire operation and not just for the three days of action. The Enemy Aircraft Destroyed for the Guadalcanal Landing are from a 1943 US Navy wartime source that did not have access to Japanese records to verify claims against the true losses in Japanese planes. As Ranger was and still shows as such a strong outlier, I figured the variance was within acceptable bounds.



Of note is the difference in landing at the loci of opposing air power. The Torch Landing operation in Morocco landed at and near the airfields of the French Air Force and Navy. The majority of the French planes were destroyed in offensive air missions. Whereas, the Guadalcanal Landing operation landed away from the locus of Japanese airpower, Rabaul, but within Japanese attack range from Rabaul. Thus, the far greater number of Japanese planes engaged in the air.

Otherwise, the two Landings are remarkably similar in stats for two very different operations. Easily noticeable is the one CV for Torch shouldering the vast majority of the offensive sorties and the CVEs shouldering the defensive sorties.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

Cyrano4747 posted:

You're good, pretty sure forums posts don't have to be 508 compliant. :haw:

:haw: I look forward to my posts being evidence in the ADA suit against SA for all this site’s fat stacks of :10bux:


Probably should include a table putting 1942 in context of the total numbers across the US Navy’s direct participation.

Urcinius fucked around with this message at 02:15 on Jul 26, 2023

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
Alright, finished breaking out all of Naval Aviation Combat Statistics—World War II (https://www.history.navy.mil/content/dam/nhhc/research/histories/naval-aviation/aviation-monographs/nasc.pdf). Every year of direct participation of the US Navy in World War II has been distributed between all of the US Navy’s 30 fast carriers that participated in World War II. All the CVEs are still tabulated as a block.

Again, it’s incredibly important to understand what an "Action Sortie" is to be able to understand what the data did and did not capture. The definition is specific to the Naval Aviation Combat Statistics dataset. Confusion will inhabit you should you engage with the table before comprehending what Naval Aviation Combat Statistics specifically excluded from its tabulation.

Important details:
- Definition of "Action Sortie" = "Number of planes taking off on a mission which eventuated in an attack on an enemy target or in aerial combat, or both. This basis of tabulation was the number of planes of one squadron taking off on the mission. If any of these planes had action, the entire squadron's planes on the mission were counted as action sorties, including abortive planes, planes which reached the target but did not attack, and planes which escorted or patrolled but did not engage in combat. Thus if 16 VF took off as escort, 2 returned early, 2 engaged in combat, and 4 strafed, all 16 were counted as action sorties. On the other hand, if 8 VF took off for escort, and none engaged in any sort of attack or combat, then none were counted as action sorties, even though they reached the target, and even though the escorted bombers attacked the target. Likewise, CAP planes missions, none of whose planes engaged in combat were not counted as action sorties."

- Data is compiled from thousands of reports across the US Navy's direct participation in World War II. How reports were written changed over the war. There are some errors from the data as well as typographical errors in the monograph. I recommend engaging with the monograph's frontmatter on any concerns about the data. The monograph specifies the sources for all data and its own estimation of data variance.

- In the case of multi-carrier actions, such as the Battle of Midway, I distributed Action Sorties between all participating carriers equally. Notably, I removed the Wasp from participation in the Battle of Eastern Solomons. The specificity of "Action Sortie" versus sortie dissuaded me from attempting to use war diaries and action reports to precisely identify individual carrier action sorties.

- When multi-carrier actions involved both medium carriers (CVs) and small carriers (CVLs), I distributed the Action Sorties between the two types based on their proportion of the total for the whole month, as identified on Table 10 in Naval Aviation Combat Statistics.

- No attempt was made to pro-rate the Action Sortie data of night carriers (CVN or CVLN). Night carriers received an equal share per their hull type (CV or CVL).

- Quantity does not directly correlate to quality. The carriers are ranked by quantity with no added interpretation of quality.

- Battle Stars were included in the table as a contemporary qualitative analysis of Actions. By adding in Battle Stars, an element of qualitative data was incorporated via the US Navy’s own choice of which actions merited separate Battle Stars. For example, the US Navy considered the Buin-Faisi-Tonolai Raid of 5 October 1942 as worthy of a separate Battle Star from the Guadalcanal Capture & Defense, August 1942 to February 1943. Even if that worthiness could be debated, this qualitative data is strictly contemporary US Navy.



Quantitative Titles
Carrier of 1942 = Enterprise (CV-6), Yorktown-class
Carrier of 1943 = Lexington (CV-16), Essex-class
Carrier of 1944 = Bunker Hill (CV-17), Essex-class
Carrier of 1945 = Yorktown (CV-10), Essex-class
Carrier of WW2 = Essex (CV-9), Essex-class
Participation Trophy = the entire Independence-class, for greater than average participation

Personally, that nearly every carrier title went to an Essex-class carrier was no surprise to me which makes it poetic that Essex, itself, took the overall title. What did surprise me was Essex taking the overall title without ranking first in any individual year for any field. It just put in a close 2nd every year.

Good on the United States for preserving two of the carriers-of-the-year plus Hornet which put up a very credible 4th overall. That Intrepid is 11th overall gives some small excuse for the integrity of the historic vessel being impinged by the housing on Intrepid’s flight deck for the space shuttle Enterprise.

What did surprise me was for the Independence-class to on-average be more present in actions than any medium carrier. This they did despite on average more medium carriers being in commission than small carriers in every year. Just 22% of actions in 1944 had more small carriers than medium carriers. From the inception of the Fast Carrier Task Force, the Independence-class simply showed up more than anyone else despite suffering damage, losing one of their number, and requiring general overhaul too.

Before we get too chummy with small carriers, I will still point out that the Independence-class suffered only one sunk and five instances of damage to the medium carrier’s 22 instances of damage over the same period. Medium carriers are obviously a larger and more desirable target.

Generally speaking, equal distribution led to the most active participants reaping the largest share of distributed data. However, variability still resulted from the actions participated in. See for example how Lexington (CV-16) dropped more tons of bombs and destroyed more planes on fewer Action Sorties than Yorktown (CV-10) in 1943. This is why Lexington (CV-16) is carrier of the year for 1943 and not Yorktown (CV-10).

My data table is available at this link:
https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1J_nXM6CGfqqMR3WEoShy31cDG8kcFs8C/edit?usp=sharing&ouid=104612421893671551563&rtpof=true&sd=true

Urcinius fucked around with this message at 00:22 on Aug 7, 2023

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
Can I interest anyone in a game of guess the carrier? Below I’ve quoted a carrier’s War History written by its command staff over the course of World War 2. For this game, I’ve lightly edited out specific references.

Some CV’s War History posted:

It was around noon on February 13 that the Carrier X steamed past old Diamond Head at the southern tip of Oahu and slipped through the narrow channel guarding America’s first battleground of World War II. Even in those days, with the fight going our way, the arrival of a new fast carrier enroute to the fleet was a memorable and heartening occasion. To the men aboard, who for five months had sweated and strained toward the ultimate attainment of this end, it marked a final step in the long transition from construction to combat. Although the battle line was still thousands of miles to the west, the angry memory of December 7 and the industrious, warlike atmosphere of this vast Pacific naval base lent a grim seriousness to the traditional welcome at Ford Island.

Moored port side to while the Naval Air Station band rendered its “Aloha” from the pier, the Carrier X flurry of excitement and conjecture aboard as the Marines filed down the gangway in their battle garb and the aircraft crane inched up to the deck-edge elevator. Yet beneath all this outward force of movement and activity, there flowed and invariable undercurrent of suspense and curiosity. The same question lingered in the minds of the men and the same rumors ran the length of the ship. What was to be done here? How long would it take? And how much liberty would be granted?

Hardly had first timers set their feet on Hawaiian soil or felt the pinch of military curfew restrictions on the island than the answer came from Commander Air Force, Pacific Fleet. It wasn’t what they had expected. In on broad, surprising move, CARRIER AIR GROUP ##, which had seemed by this time to be an inseparable part of the ship, was suddenly detached and assigned to shore-based status at Barber’s Point while the Carrier X, instead of advancing into the forward area, was ordered to conduct carrier familiarization exercises for the benefit of replacement air groups stationed in the Hawaiian Sea Frontier.

She got her recommended three weeks of training – and more. For nearly two months she worked day and night in designated areas northeast of Oahu. On her initial run of five days she divided her attention between AIR GROUP ## and AIR GROUP ##, ran up her landings to a total well over ### and returned to the Navy Yard at Pearl Harbor for a brief period of availability.

It was on the afternoon of her first day underway that news reached the ship of Vice Admiral Marc A. Mitscher’s powerful strike against Tokyo. Making use of the general announcing system to keep his command informed of the progress and development of a war toward which they were inevitably heading, Captain passed the word to all hands aboard of this latest spectacular achievement of TASK FORCE 58.

This was the communique the whole Allied world had been waiting for: the first thrust by carrier aircraft against the heart of Japan since Lieutenant General Doolittle (then a Lieutenant Colonel) had led his triumphant raid from the flight deck of the USS HORNET. If the exultation of the men of Carrier X was tempered by a certain feeling of frustration and disappointment, it was only because of professional envy and injured pride. Like the benched football player who watches from the sidelines while his teammates score the winning touchdown, they recalled the boastful nickname they had adopted for themselves at Newport and wondered why the fortunes of war had passed them by.

Somehow – without regard for the swift development of Pacific strategy – they had hoped to be ready for this grand slam against the enemy homeland. Yet here they were, steaming in protected American waters – to late to launch the power and share the glory of a vengeance they had called their own.

While Marines of the 4th and 5th Divisions battled their way across the volcanic ash of Iwo Jima, the Carrier X entered the second phase of her Hawaiian operations. With AIR GROUPS ## and ## flying out during consecutive periods, the carrier repeated her schedule of familiarization exercises and then returned to Ford Island to further orders.

For all of March and a few days into April she repeated the process – moving in and out of Pearl Harbor half a dozen times, picking up a couple of new air groups after each sortie and working out with them day and night in assigned operating areas.

It was a monotonous, inglorious routine to those hands aboard who were spoiling for a fight, who believed that important history was being made while they were standing idly by. They sought to appease their conscience and deflate their ego by humous references to the ship as the “Pearl Harbor Raider,” Queen of the Pineapple Fleet,” and “the Reluctant Dragon”. But they knew – in the light of cold logic – that there was no alternative. Carrier X was the only carrier currently available for these short refresher courses which were so vital to the maintenance of replacement groups. In the complicated logistics of full-scale, uninterrupted warfare, her mission was just as essential to complete victory as that of her older sisters who were slugging it out on the front lines.

During her seven weeks of operations in the area she launched and recovered a total of nine air groups or squadrons thereof, put them through a grueling series of landings, take-offs and catapult shots, and passed on to the Commander Air Force, Pacific Fleet her detailed opinion on the individual qualifications of each particular unit. She worked conscientiously toward maximum elimination of wave-offs, sought to improve landing intervals, and schooled the less experienced pilots in rendezvous, group break-up and flight deck procedure. She experimented with night landings under various methods of controlled and indirect lighting and conducted live ammunition and rocket firing exercises against towed sleds. On March 22, with AIR GROUP ## embarked, she launched a mock attack against the island of Oahu, with various shore-based Navy squadrons and an Army Air Force defending.

In the end she gained much more in valuable training and experience that she lost by postponed advancement into the combat area. By April 1 she had brought her total landings up to ###, with no major personnel casualties for the strenuous period in Hawaiian waters and surprisingly few accidents.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

Zorak of Michigan posted:

Based purely on service dates, I'm guessing Boxer.

A fine guess! But Boxer was still very much in the Atlantic during this period of the quoted war history.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

OpenlyEvilJello posted:

Looks like Shangri-La?

Correct! For anyone curious, Shangri-La was proud of its 6,315 landings by 1 April 1945. The war history can be enjoyed on the National Archives catalog, https://catalog.archives.gov/id/77686527?objectPage=73

Shangri-La was replaced by Bon Homme Richard for April and May 1945 until Saratoga completed its repairs.

Good job zeroing in quickly on the Essex-class!

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

Cessna posted:

Was the general stupid? No, he'd inspected that barracks last week. This week it was A Co 1st Armored Assault Bn, last week it was K/3/5, the week before that it was some unit from Landing Support Bn. He knows it's the same barracks.

But everyone plays the game.

And no one is going to be the first company commander to say, "naah, gently caress my career, hold the inspection at the regular barracks on Del Mar, the one with the crappy cars in the parking lot, piles of beer cans spilling out of the trash dumpsters, and black mold growing in the pipes."

And the general can testify that the unit or service is (capable of being) disciplined and tidy.

I’ve posted before on the USS Ranger’s (CV-4) reputation for good food. In 1935, during appropriation hearings, the Navy shared ‘random’ menus from the Ranger to show how well it spends its Subsistence of Naval Personnel appropriations. I’ve reproduced the testified menus below for the thread’s review of how far $0.45 per man per day goes.

Select Menus of 1935 February 25 posted:

- Wednesday Breakfast = fresh fruit, assorted, cereal, fresh milk and sugar, pork & beans, catsup, bread, butter, and coffee
- Wednesday Dinner = chicken soup, fricassee of chicken, egg dumpling, green pees, mashed potatoes, coconut pie, bread, butter, and coffee
- Friday Breakfast = fresh fruit, assorted, cereal, fresh milk and sugar, scrambled eggs, fried potatoes, hot rolls, butter, and coffee
- Friday Dinner = soup, fried halibut steak, tartare sauce, string beans & bacon, mashed potatoes, fig turnovers, bread, butter, and coffee
- Friday Supper = clam chowder, soda crackers, baked salmon loaf, vegetable salad, sugar cookies, bread, jam, and tea

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

zoux posted:

Do you have some of the other menus for comparison sake

I wish! Sadly, the Navy didn't share any other 'random' menus at that hearing :hmmno: I mostly spend my time in Records of Naval Operating Forces, Records of the Bureau of Construction & Repair, and the General Board. Might not have poked around the right L series files, but I'm skeptical that menus have been generally preserved. Here's hoping still!

That reputation I spoke of is mostly documented by newspaper articles, memoirs, oral histories, and reflected records rather than comparative menus.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
Myth of Hangar Equivalence
I was reminded today to :justpost: Instead of holding this back until I craft more of an interpretative post for it that probably won't come, I’ll share with y’all a recent spreadsheet project as is. The short backstory is boy howdy do some people in the corners of the internet debate aircraft carrier measurements, particularly hangar measurements. I don’t think any of them will ever prove what they really want to prove, but I decided to run some numbers myself.

Thought I might be able to even add something special by using the scan I have of a US Navy General Board study from 19 April 1939 showing the US Navy’s computation of the total effective aircraft operating area on each of its carriers that were in commission or building by that date. Indeed, I then fired up FreeCAD and took my own measurements of carriers with freely available scans of record plans. However, I quickly ran up against almost no carrier except US Navy carriers having record copy scans of their plans freely available online. The



Methodology:
1. US carriers had their dimensions as given by Norman Friedman, Royal Navy carriers had their dimensions as given by David Hobbs, and Japanese carriers had their dimensions as given by Mark Peattie. Any specific bias by these authors in inflating figures for their personal subject matter was hoped therefore to cancel out.
a. Total Effective Area of a carrier was found by multiplying the extents as given by Friedman, Hobbs, or Peattie and then subtracting out elevators from the flight deck and subtracting out internal elevators from the hangar.
b. Dividing a carrier’s Total Effective Area by its operating complement of aircraft gives the Total Effective Area per Plane.
c. That basic efficiency number can then be compared to any other carrier to see which is more or less efficient than the other. This study compared every carrier against Langley because Langley’s effective area was entirely concentrated in its flight deck.

2. Aircraft operating complement is the largest total number of embarked & operated planes each carrier class achieved in its wartime career. Almost without exception, that number is from 1945 unless the full carrier class was sunk before then. Spares were specifically excluded as the study was meant to examine how efficiently each carrier class operated its total area rather than total potential stowage.
a. The prewar Royal Navy carriers are included primarily to illustrate within the Royal Navy the difference between prewar and end-of-war operating practices. All the classes except Colossus and the armored carriers have limited air groups for their size due to the two factors of 1) striking below each plane fully into the hangar before landing the next and 2) using only the hangar to stow planes.
b. None of Japan’s wartime construction were included for two reasons. First, information on such vessels are even spottier than the prewar carriers. For example, does anyone know what the width of each of Taiho’s hangars are? Second, aircraft production and pilot training were such an issue for Japan that after 1943 practically none of their carriers could be said to have operated with a full complement of planes. As this study very specifically does not use design figures, there’s no fair number to use. Even still direct comparisons between Japanese and other carriers is difficult because Japan’s operating practices never incorporated the deck park.

3. Frankly, maximizing the published numbers was intended to allow for the maximum total area any individual partisan could care to believe in. This is because a purpose of the study was to show that simply believing a particular carrier had more area does not necessarily translate into aircraft operating complement. Instead, aircraft operating complement being a known fix fact means identifying excess area tends to show as inefficiency.

4. I ran the numbers an extra two times comparing against the Yorktown because everyone wants to be Enterprise. I ran those numbers twice because I know some people don’t believe Enterprise truly operated 90 planes. Yes, this means I altered the study a second time to specifically ameliorate the concerns of people who are skeptical of the US Navy in particular.

Places of Known Error:
1. All figures of area computed from Friedman, Hobbs, and Peattie are over estimated. They range from a -0.2% difference for Wasp to a +22% difference for Lexington. This averages an error of as much as 7,144ft2 which can be visualized as the area that 9 Avengers occupy.

2. All figures I computed in CAD range in over- or underestimating by ~3.4%. On average this is an error of as much as 2,702ft2 which can be visualized as the area that 3.5 Avengers occupy.


Ark Royal's flight deck with the broad dimensions overlaid as quoted from Hobbs. Inset is my own personal measurement of the flight deck area using FreeCAD.


Disclaimer:
I should emphasize that none of these carriers were truly awful carriers. Take Kaga for instance. Although it is the most inefficient user of massive space, its air group of 72 operable planes was a cornerstone of the Kido Butai. The only carriers arguably without a useful aircraft complement are Royal Navy carriers sunk before new operating practices could be implemented. Truly, the only absolute weirdo on the list is Furious whose survival through the entire war without any known increase to its air group is surprising. Much of its use during the war was as a training carrier, but it still saw occasional action through 1944 yet without any obvious change in operating practice. Generally, any carrier that could operate at least 20 planes was broadly useful because of how much aviation every fleet needed in WWII.

None of this is slam-dunk evidence that a carrier was bad. At best this is a data point for measured criticism of certain classes.

Everyone who dislikes the findings of this study is welcome to fully ignore this as being instigated by general grumpiness. Except for pointing out how problematic broad dimensions are as comparative figures, there’s nothing particularly rigorous about this study. I’d just appreciate it if someone would fix the Illustrious-class Wikipedia page. That thing reeks of insecurity. Half of the text paragraphs mention the US Navy or US Navy carriers in some fashion. I think it’s pretty obvious that’s why it is a “C” class article on Wikipedia’s “quality” scale. I think it would go a long way if that page stopped trying to ride the coattails of Enterprise and simply argued its own significance.





Case Studies:
1. Langley is a perfect reference point as it functionally had no hangar. While it had an elevator, that elevator did not directly service a hangar. Instead, planes struck down from the flight deck via the elevator then had to be craned off the elevator to be placed in the hold – a tedious process that prevented use as a regular feature of aircraft operations. It makes the perfect case study to evaluate if hangar space directly equals or exceeds the flight deck area for efficient operable space.

2. Wasp is another good bellwether. It has a larger hangar than Yorktown and nearly the same total area. However, it never achieved an aircraft operating complement of more than 72. This is a good indication that its first-generation deck edge elevator was not efficient. Further, it being less space efficient than Yorktown demonstrates that overall length in flight deck is superior to beam at the waist.

3. Lexington had the longest length flight deck until the Essex-class approximately matched it and the Midway-class exceeded it. The long flight deck was paired with the smallest hangar of any US Navy medium fleet carrier, yet it achieved in Saratoga an aircraft operating complement of 90 airplanes. It demonstrates that even in carriers massively larger than Langley that flight deck length is the first consideration in aircraft operating efficiency.

4. Implacable. I still don’t know why Implacable has an aircraft operating complement of 81 when Indomitable only has a complement of 57. It’s an unexplained outlier as the only other feature I know it has as an outlier is hangar height. The hangars of Implacable were very short at 14ft high, but I struggle to believe that a 2ft shorter height than Indomitable allows for such faster elevator operations as to allow for 24 more planes. Truly, I can only believe that Indomitable is shorted somehow.

5. Illustrious demonstrates the effect of elevator placement. Although in comparison to Wasp it has the same number of elevators and relatively close flight deck length, Wasp operates its space more efficiently than Illustrious having an aircraft operating complement of 72 to Illustrious's 54. The elevators of Illustrious are set at the ends of the hangar. This might appear to provide the advantage of allowing the largest unimpeded hangar space, but instead it is generally the least useful position for an elevator. The positioning was governed more to minimize the unarmored elevator’s opening into the armored hangar than for efficient use.

6. Kaga & Akagi are the only carriers with three hangars each. Those hangars are then served by three elevators on each carrier. Thus, they demonstrate maximum verticality in hangars. Their relatively low aircraft operating complement versus their total area demonstrates the difficulty of servicing planes from many hangars, especially with a ratio of just one elevator per hangar.

7. Ark Royal - if there is anything I was hoping to see out of this study was some insight into what Ark Royal's aircraft operating complement might have been were it not sunk long before it could have participated with the British Pacific Fleet. To my disappointment, it looks like Ark Royal's elevator arrangement might have been so tricky as to preclude it from operating a proportionally exciting complement in comparison to Illustrious, Indomitable, or Implacable.




The effect of crediting Yorktown with a smaller aircraft operating complement can be seen to do no favors for other nations' carriers. If Yorktown is less efficient, then that means Essex is comparatively more efficient as a carrier and then all US medium and large carriers become more efficient than all other nations' carriers. Whereas a more efficient Yorktown credits the Implacable as more efficient than Essex in operating its total area. This is your reminder to build your own significance rather than trying to tear down others with regards to historiography and historic preservation.


And here is the smaller comparison of the contemporary US Navy's far more precise measurements and my own measurements for the additional carriers I could find freely available scans of record plans.

I'd particularly like a readable set of Colossus plans if anyone can point me to some.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

Timmy Age 6 posted:

I'm honestly a little surprised that the ships originally laid down as battlecruisers aren't appreciably in their own grouping as compared with the ships built from the hull up as carriers. Were the rebuilds really that comprehensive, or does it turn out that a battlecruiser hullform works pretty well for a carrier? I suppose that would also make sense - carriers also need to be able to move fairly fast to get airflow over the deck for takeoffs and landings.

Before directly answering, I’m still going to emphasize that, just as the numbers don’t directly deem a carrier bad, the numbers don’t expressly deem a carrier good either. The numbers are an indication in how efficiently the carrier operates the area it has. A carrier that is capable of launching & recovering just one aircraft could look very good here if it did so with very little operating space.

Now with that said, I’ll address your surprise that the converted battlecruisers are not inherently inefficient with their aircraft operating area. You are correct that the class usually makes a decent base for conversion to an effective carrier. Not only do they tend to be fast, but the desire to mount battleship scale weaponry on them generally forces that speed to be achieved with a great length-to-beam ratio without sacrificing the beam. The result is usually a vessel of great broad dimensions that can accept a large flight deck. How efficiently those broad dimensions then operate aircraft is still up to operating practices and design of aircraft handling features as with any other carrier.

We can see how Lexington, Courageous, and Akagi generally run the gamut in those operating practices and aircraft handling features.

To paint a picture of size, Lexington was the largest US Navy carrier by dimensions until Essex broadly matched it. Yet, every US Navy carrier was larger than all the old battleships. Ranger is approximately the dimensions of North Carolina (BB-55); North Carolina is particularly deeper in draft than Ranger and Ranger’s flight deck looms over North Carolina's navigating bridge. The speedy Iowas ultimately matched Essex in broad horizontal dimensions, and then Midway and every subsequent carrier dwarfed even Iowa.

Incidentally, what made the art of constructing carriers a learned skill was the massive size yet comparatively light displacement of carriers.

Still, the converted battlecruisers were mostly massive money, time, and tonnage sinks compared to their performance. Lexington & Saratoga took up nearly half of the United State's treaty allotment of carrier tonnage and cost over $40 million each. Subsequent purpose-built carriers would cost about half that. Their expense in tonnage and dollars cast a long shadow over the US Navy's building program. Then the US Navy had so few carriers that it struggled to find the opportunity to take Lexington and Saratoga out of service to modernize them circa 1940 - another major expense. Akagi and Kaga did similarly by taking up the majority of Japan's allotted treaty strength and later requiring massive rebuilds. I think Courageous-class was the only one to be reconstructed at fair cost and for okay treaty tonnage, but they benefited from Furious having forged the way.


Even so, I was surprised as well by the relatively decent positions on the chart converted carriers and particularly of smaller converted carriers of Independence and Shoho. Indeed, many of the smaller carriers go to show that at the end of the day it’s not pure size but how you use it (ahem) when speaking only with regards to efficient use of space.


Rocko Bonaparte posted:

Hey Urcinius, I am going a bit OT since you said you did a bunch of test drawing in FreeCAD. I just wondered if you had it poo poo its pants at all on you. People like to turn off the lights, shine a flashlight under the chin, and tell horror stories about what that program will do while you use it. I may have had a peek of it when I tried to do some 3d print modeling, but it hasn't killed me in my sleep yet either.

Edit: I guess this can be more on-topic if I asked how far you went with the drawings. If you just kind of did some 2d top-downs from those prints then you'd never see any major problems since that is simple. On the other hand, that kind of drawing could be messing with your actual estimates, or at least not explaining the wastage because it doesn't account for, say changed in ceiling height or something.

Yeah, for this study I worked strictly in 2D for measuring the plans of Langley, Essex, Independence, Saipan, Ark Royal, and Illustrious because Friedman's, Hobbs's, Peattie's, and the historical US Navy measurements are pure planar measurements. I'm not too worried about my estimates of hangar area with regards to ceiling height as my estimates were uniformly smaller than the historical US Navy measurements when I practiced on the vessels the US Navy measured for me.

FreeCAD has been okay to me. Mostly it's only a bother because it works in metric and the US Navy & Royal Navy figures are in imperial. Had decent success with 3D printing some 1:350 model parts, but I specifically focused on simple parts. It's appreciably less capable than what I'm familiar with in AutoCAD, but for personal use the pricing is ridiculously better. Might still shell out someday for a better program because the clunkiness of FreeCAD generally discourages me from some of my hobby projects.


MikeCrotch posted:

If we're talking WWII planes you literally just have a bunch of guys shoving them around by hand.

This video is a great period piece on how to land a whole strike and prep it for the next attack

https://youtu.be/bfkwjU8k6W4?si=ixGYG5-vldW9qfSG

Always an excellent watch for understanding WWII flight deck operations. Also useful for demonstrating that although US Navy carriers had tractors, the primary method of recovering and spotting planes on deck was simply crewpersons.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
Oh, for some visual enjoyment here is the US Navy exploring air groups for the Yorktown and Lexington classes. I'll let you guess the year based on the planes.



Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

DTurtle posted:

Are those tiny cutout paper airplanes on a drawing of the carriers?

And then lovingly photoed. Adorable, right?

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

Koramei posted:

Is there not a plug-in or option that lets you do imperial? When I’ve had to use it there have been some seemingly basic functions in kind of rear end-backwards places, but something like changing the units would be a glaring thing for them to not have.

Also for a much, much better program that is also free I would heartily recommend Blender. Not so great at CAD-style precision out of the box but there are plugins for it / you can build the shortcuts out to make it capable of what you need.

Maybe? Probably. Appreciate the plugin reminder, particularly. Sadly, I’ve only had the time to use FreeCAD as it is. So far I’ve found the documentation ponderous to sift through and interpret. Fortunately, it is good enough presently to deliver the products I intend. And I get to make my teachers proud by practicing my unit conversions.

I’m intensely curious of Blender, though, with your recommendation. Frankly, I just want a program (and quick guide) for performing Historic American Building Survey (HABS) documentation efficiently. If you or anyone has such a installation guide, I’d love it. Then I can perform some of my personal documentation projects quicker.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
I've always been intrigued by how much the Japanese plan for their concurrent Midway and Aleutians operations looks like a prewar fleet exercise. The multitude of forces operating separately towards complex but interlinked objects specifically reminds me of US Navy Fleet Problems.

Indeed, Fleet Problem XVI of 1935 involved a superior force from Hawaii attacking Midway while an inferior force stationed in Alaska attempted to defend Midway. Although the locations are nearly exact, the US Navy was obviously using US locations to roleplay attacking the Japanese Mandates and imagining Japan's defense of those islands. Still the planning, actions, and results look in many ways like what Yamamoto intended in his Midway plan.

A major component of all fleet exercises was imagining and roleplaying the opposing force. One of the major themes often explored by the US Navy Fleet Problems was the difficulty of bringing to battle the inferior foe who, without a critical & vulnerable base threatened, often had little reason to engage the superior fleet. Naturally, the US Navy was exploring bringing the smaller Japanese fleet to battle or demonstrating the undesirable effect of dividing the US Fleet between multiple oceans. What would induce the enemy to action, and then in what ways might they act?

Although I'm not familiar with the detail activity of Japanese Navy fleet exercises, I know they explored the reverse roles for most of the 20s and 30s.

Unexpected Japanese success at the outset of the actual war and US global commitments in other theaters flipped the roles for the first six months of the war. Japan was struggling to bring an inferior US fleet to battle, and the US Navy was seeking to defend outlying bases and attrit the Japanese fleet. In many ways this isn't surprising in the context of 1941, but, regarding many of the prewar exercises, it means each navy had the opposite role than it had practiced before the war. Thus, if either navy fell back on prewar wargaming & exercise experience, they'd be basing their actual plans on the fake opposing force plans they had imagined. This could result in planning on an order of magnitude more unrealistic and complex than one's own prewar plans which usually had some basis in one's own goals and resources.

If any of the above is true, it could explain Yamamoto's plan not merely as hubris or an issue specific to Japanese planning. It could be that the Midway plan was a mess because it was the Japanese Navy cosplaying as the US Navy.

Were I a better scholar of the Japanese Navy, I would explore:
1. the prewar Japanese fleet exercises for similarities to the Midway plan,
2. Yamamoto's own roles and actions within those fleet exercises, and
3. Yamamoto's activity as naval attache in Washington to explore what opportunities he had to listen or investigate the US Fleet Problems and other exercises.


Anyone can explore the records of the US Navy's Fleet Problems because the National Archives has digitized the series.
https://catalog.archives.gov/id/176561618

The US Naval War College also published a free book on the US Navy Fleet Problems.
https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/usnwc-historical-monographs/18/

An extra item to ponder, if the above has any merit, would be to look if any other operations in history with plans functionally based on OpFor planning experience - not own doctrine - went either incredibly well or equally as poorly as Midway.

----

This post feels as good as any to share my two favorite exceedingly false conspiracy theories about the Battle of Midway:

1. The chaos of rearming of the Kido Butai's second wave was a myth - in this conspiracy theory the Kido Butai's second wave had been armed with bombs to attack Midway at the same time as first wave had been on the morning of 4 June. The assumption is Nagumo et al were fully insubordinate to Yamamoto's instruction to retain half the Kido Butai's striking power in reserve in case of unexpected US carriers. The theory believes that they did not even wait for the first strike to report the necessity of a second strike before arming the reserve planes to attack Midway.

The theory is meant to answer the question of why the Japanese were unable to rearm and launch their naval strike against the US carriers before the Japanese carriers were sunk. Any belief that the Japanese could launch a strike before being themselves sunk relies upon some amount of the second strike having been armed with torpedoes and remaining armed with torpedoes by the time the order was given to rearm the second strike to attack the US carriers. Entire chapters of Midway histories are focused on exploring when rearming orders were given, how many planes were rearmed, and even down to how many torpedo carts or tools were available to posit the status of the second strike at any given hour. However, this theory entirely sidesteps the issue as there is zero question that the entire second strike could be armed with torpedoes in time had they been all armed with bombs.

This theory relies completely upon the belief that the first strike's radio message recommending a second strike was pro forma and that the timing of the rearming order was a complete fudging of the record to conceal when it was actually given. The theory utterly falls apart because some amount of the hundreds of Japanese officers and crew involved would have spoken and revealed that arming of both strikes' planes occurred at the same time that morning.

2. Yamamoto delayed the implementation of the new JN-25c codes specifically to allow the US to read Japanese coded messages - in this conspiracy theory Yamamoto deliberately allowed the opportunity for the US to discover and decode the Midway plan specifically to entice the US Navy to action.

The theory is meant to answer the question of why Yamamoto expected the US Navy to rise to the obvious bait of Midway. As mentioned regarding prewar fleet exercises, a common problem was how to ensure that a battle would occur with an inferior foe at the superior fleet's choice of time and place. By providing the US Navy with an intelligence coup, the Americans might believe they had an incomparable opportunity to surprise the Japanese.

This theory relies completely upon the belief that the senior operational leader of a navy can believe that "If I know that you know my plan, I have the supreme advantage." This especially falls apart because the only way to truly take advantage of such a situation is to have all key subordinates aware of and understanding their true role in the secret plan and not just their role in the overt plan. Then this theory again falls utterly apart because, like all conspiracies, someone would have spoken.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
I’ll return to my shtick of posting tables. This day’s table is an expansion of a Vincent P O’Hara table in his Operation Torch (2016). He published a tabulation of damage events during the surface action of the Naval Battle of Casablanca. To this table I added in the concurrent air and sub actions of the battle. Included are some status lines to make some major events pop.



Air actions nearly doubled the table. Besides the battle being a fairly unique surface action, the immense size of my table makes it obvious why a more complete table wasn’t published. What even my table still doesn’t express is the details of the damage inflicted. Most notably, the air attacks wounded the French 2nd Light Squadron’s commander, wounded a division commander, killed a destroyer’s captain, and killed another destroyer’s executive officer. Strafing directly resulted in command devolving in one division of two destroyers to the executive officer of the second destroyer, Boulonnais. Although strafing never caused any severe structural damage, strafing caused critical casualties and chaos that prevented the French from performing decisively.

Even with air and sub actions added, the Massachusetts is the most decisive participant. It disabled Jean Bart before the pitched battle. The lack of Jean Bart in action limited the available heavy gun support for the 2nd Light Squadron. Then the Massachusetts sank one French destroyer, the Fouguex. When Fouguex sank, it was not just the first significant hit upon the French squadron, but it can be seen as the point where what had been an indecisive skirmish turned against the French. At that point the battle had raged without a shell hit for 66 minutes. Massachusetts then had only one more hit but it knocked out the large destroyer, Milan. Granted, Massachusetts subsequent maneuvering away ultimately stretched the battle for another 104 minutes.

Collectively, the US cruisers were critical to blocking and containing the French squadron. Although twice they left opportunities for the French squadron to attack the Fedala beachhead, the cruisers sank one destroyer, knocked out another, and drove the rest of the squadron back to the Casablanca roadstead. Their contributions are readily visible in the table.

What the addition of the air actions provides is a greater clue as to why the French squadron did not push into the transport area off Fedala and wreak havoc before the full weight of US heavy surface units could interfere. Before any shells were fired, all four vessels in the 2nd Light Squadron’s two leading divisions had been strafed by F4F Wildcats. Just minutes before the action opened, the commanders, bridge, and signal crews were dead or wounded on the lead vessels. Although the physical damage to the vessels was mostly minor there were a few vital hits that damaged tiller control, damaged directors, and even started a fire in one store of ready ammunition. Then within 18 minutes of action opening, the Wildcats finished strafing all but one of the French vessels. Thereafter, three waves of SBD Dauntless divebombers delivered the only telling damage to L’Alcyon and knocked out the remaining three vessels of the French squadron.

It is always correct to belabor that the Wildcats did not directly turn back the French squadron, as the pilots themselves claim. Augusta and the transports’ destroyers were the obstacles which turned back the French squadron. I believe the table shows that the Wildcats were simply the factor that dissuaded the 2nd Light Squadron from ganging up on Augusta and pushing their attack fully into the transport area off Fedala.

Uniquely, the French submarine attacks are included despite all of them missing. They’ve were added to show when and how they could have affected the battle were their attacks more successful. Had all three attacks hit their targets Massachusetts, Brooklyn and Tuscaloosa could have been knocked out of the fight before several critical blows those ships dealt to the French squadron. Removing a battleship and two cruisers would have reduced the opposing US heavy forces to just two uncoordinated cruisers at a time when the French light cruiser was yet undamaged and supported by five destroyers.

Incidentally, the Ranger Air Group also killed the captain of Le Tonnant before that submarine sortied from Casablanca harbor. The very same submarine attempted a torpedo attack on Ranger two days later, but the torpedoes missed. Who knows if those torpedoes would not have missed had Le Tonnant been commanded by its captain rather than its executive officer.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
I feel called out for having a model of a US aircraft carrier and a painting of a rabbit as the first pieces of decor every guest sees when visiting my house.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
Was exploring Fleet Admiral Ernest J. King's papers at the Library of Congress and came across an interesting monograph in his post-war files involved with the historians writing the history of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff. It is undated & unattributed but appears to be in King's voice. It's a very interesting and candid read of his high level (i.e. only a few dozen pages) thoughts about the long, intense war. Thus, what stands out to him is most telling about which events struck lasting chords with him.

In the midst of the monograph is a swipe about the relative cooperative spirit between the US Navy and Royal Navy. He specifically calls out two instances in 1942 where each navy requested a carrier of the other - Wasp in March and Illustrious in October. Right or wrong, the number of questions, delays, and ultimate selection of carrier by the Royal Navy in response to the US Navy request was less congenial than the US Navy's earlier response to the British request within two days (three days if we include the initial British confusion about which battleships King was offering).

Recently, I found King's response to the questionnaire that the British Admiralty Delegation hit King with back with upon his 27 October 1942 request for Illustrious or other carriers to reinforce Halsey's Southwest Pacific forces. To this I added some of the contextual correspondence so y'all can see the conversation from origin to finish. Then I further added the correspondence for the March 1942 British request that netted them Wasp. Between the two you can see what drove King's post war comparison.

To develop his point further, I drew up a table of all the requests for fleet carriers and responses I know of. The purpose of the table isn't to argue whether requests were appropriate, but to show why King felt as he did.

There's one outlier in the table, the August transfer of Ranger to the Home Fleet. The reason it was transferred is known, the torpedoing of Indomitable in the Mediterranean, but the specific correspondence requesting and responding has not been found. As such I had to give it response of date of no earlier than the day before Ranger departed for Scapa Flow. Similarly, I specifically used the date Victorious arrived at Pearl as I don't know when the additional work at Pearl was completed before it steamed south in May. If anything, Ranger's 1943 transfer is a case study demonstrating that 1942 carrier requests were dealt with at the highest political level and in 1943 the requests were handled routinely at the naval headquarters level without as much issue.

Saratoga of 1944 also shows the reverse instance of what King was hoping for in late 1942. Saratoga joined the Royal Navy's Eastern Fleet from the US Pacific Fleet within 35 days of being requested. King wanted Illustrious from the Eastern Fleet, as is, within about of month of his request being made - not Victorious from Home Fleet about a third of a year later.

Again, whether or not each request involved the highest and best use of the few allied carriers, in this specific case of allied cooperation, King was quick & accommodating whereas the Royal Navy was bureaucratic & recalcitrant. An interesting inversion of their perceived relationship per historiography.


Correspondence Regarding the Late 1942 Request for a British Carrier to Reinforce the South Pacific

Notes: Regarding Official History of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Ernest Joseph King Papers, Library of Congress, DC posted:

The deficiencies in the strength of our forces opposing the violent Japanese attacks in this most desperate and critical struggle of the war applied to all elements, but was particularly acute in the matter of aircraft. Especially desperate was the situation in regard to carriers and carrier aircraft. At one stage, our forces in the South Pacific (and in the entire Pacific, for that matter) were reduced to one damaged carrier, the ENTERPRISE (opposing at least five Japanese carriers).

In spite of this desperate carrier situation, the RANGER which was required for the support of our North Africa operation, was kept in the Atlantic. At this time, half of our available carrier force was, therefore, being retained for support of operations against Germany.

It was at this juncture that our most urgent requests for Army aircraft for use in the Guadalcanal area met with stubborn resistance on the part of the Army and particularly the Army Air Forces, who, concentrating on the objectives in Germany, objected to the diversion of even a small percentage of aircraft elsewhere. Under the conditions obtaining, the Navy had an urgent need for sufficient shore based aircraft to support our beleaguered position in Guadalcanal, which had been seized by the Navy to carry out a naval mission of maintaining control of sea communications to the Army area of the Southwest Pacific.

It was also at this juncture that in response to the request for assignment to the South Pacific of a British carrier, immediately needed in the South Pacific, the British dragged their feet for an extended period, demanding satisfactory answers as to the prospective employment of the British carrier, etc., with the result that the carrier (VICTORIOUS) did not arrive in the South Pacific for many months, and long after the urgent need had passed. – This was the British return for our employment of the WASP in British waters, both in the North Sea and in supplying aircraft to meet the Malta needs. This was the British return for the deployment of United States naval ships to Scapa Flow.

1942 October 27 0251 – CINCPAC to COMINCH info COMSOPAC, Nimitz Gray Book vol. 2, Naval War College, RI posted:

Most Secret. Halsey has requested reinforcement by 1 or more carriers of the British Eastern Fleet. In view urgent and immediate need for every possible increase particularly of carriers I recommend that this idea be explored to utmost.

Admiral Charles M. Cook Papers, Hoover Institute, Stanford University, CA posted:

United States Fleet
Headquarters of the Commander in Chief
1942 November 5
Serial: 001338

Memorandum To: British Admiralty Delegation

Subject: Reinforcement by one or more carriers of the British Eastern Fleet

1. The following answer are given to the questions asked in your memorandum of 28 October 1942:

Q. Disposition, giving names of effective U.S. Capital ships as of 5 November 1942.

A. COLORADO, MARYLAND, NEW MEXICO, MISSISSIPPI – all at Pearl Harbor.

Q. Which U.S. ships are in Southwest Pacific Area.

A. Five Task Forces:
a) SOUTH DAKOTA, ENTERPRISE (damaged), 1 Heavy and 1 Light Cruiser, 7 Destroyers.
b) 2 Heavy and 3 Light Cruisers, 10 Destroyers, HORNET was in this force.
c) WASHINGTON and 1 Heavy and 1 Light Cruiser, 6 Destroyers.
d) Submarines – 24.
e) Escort – 2 Light Cruisers, 5 Destroyers.

Q. What reinforcements it is intended to send to Southwest Pacific Area.

A. (a) INDIANA, 1 Light Cruiser, and 4 Destroyers leave Atlantic Coast early November
(b) NORTH CAROLINA, SARATOGA, both having received torpedo hits, complete repairs at Pearl Harbor early November and, with 3 Heavy and 1 Light Cruisers, and about 8 Destroyers, should arrive in area about 22 November.

Q. What new U.S. Carriers will come into service in 1942 and first half of 1943.

A. ESSEX, LEXINGTON, INDEPENDENCE, and possibly PRINCETON.

Q. The state in detail of Japanese Capital ships and Carriers.

A. (a) 12 Battleships in service. 3 or 4, of which one is damaged, are operating to southward from Truk. Remainder in home waters.
(b) 3 Fleet Carriers, of which 2 damaged vide my 1519/27. Other is ZUIHO whose characteristics are unknown.
(c) It seems clearly established that the following are sunk: AKAGI, KAGA, HIRYO, SORYO, RYUJO, SHOHO.

Q. U.S. policy regarding the Southwest Pacific Area.

A. General policy is hold the line of communications from United States to Australia. With this end in view, strong garrisons established Pearl Harbor, Samoa, Fiji, New Caledonia. To give depth to this line, Wallis, Funafuti, Efate, Espiritu Santos occupied. Airfields have been constructed in each occupied position and appropriately manned.

Line threatened by Japanese activities at Guadalcanal which were countered by U.S. occupation in August. Present situation Guadalcanal occupied by 24,000 troops, Espiritu Santos – 5,000, New Caledonia – 24,000. Reinforcements planned: 25,000 from New Zealand (of which 13,000 are New Zealand troops) plus 1 Infantry Division from U.S. Troops to be used to occupy Ndeni and to reinforce Guadalcanal whose sea approaches and land areas are in dispute.

In the New Guinea Area Japanese have been driven back beyond Kokoda. Operations are now underway to occupy the northeast coast.

It is the intention of the U.S. to consolidate their position in Guadalcanal and New Guinea and to then prepare to seize and occupy Rabaul. By such limited offensives protection will be given to the lines of communication to Australia and freedom of action will be denied Japanese forces.

Q. How was HORNET sunk and where did the action in which she was sunk take place.

A. HORNET was badly damaged by two air attacks (bombs and torpedoes) IN ACTION NORTH OF Ndeni on 26 October. The vessel was subsequently sunk by U.S. own actions.

Q. Though the Japanese may have only 2 auxiliary carriers in South West Pacific area at present time, they can according to our estimates send three and possibly four more there before ILLUSTRIOUS could reach the area.

A. It is estimated that the Japanese have available for service the HITAKA and HAYATAKA (58 planes each) plush ZUIHO characteristics unknown. In addition there are the small converted carriers OTAKA, ex-KASUGA MARU, UNYO, ex-YAWATA MARU, and CHUYO. These small converted carriers have in general been used for “plane ferry trips”, and not believed efficient for combat use. In the same class, the U.S. is now operating the converted carriers LONG ISLAND, NASSAU, COPAHEE, ALTAMEBA, in the Pacific.

Q. If the Southwest Pacific Area is fed with weak reinforcements at intervals, the United Nations Capital ships and Carrier strength will be liable to suffer further attrition and we may have the command of the sea wrested from us.

A. The reinforcements are the utmost that can be spared from the over-riding commitment of the “Special Operation”. The alternative seems to be the giving of the enemy quite a free hand.

E. J. King
Admiral, U.S. Navy

Fleet Air Arm Papers, 1942-1943, Naval Records Society posted:

106. Minute from First Sea Lord to Prime Minister
[PREM 3/163/1] 5 November 1942


Carrier reinforcements for South West Pacific Herewith are two preliminary investigations dealing with the possibility of reinforcing the S.W. Pacific after “Torch”, on the basis that we suffer no casualties to important units during that operation. The situation will be again reviewed when we know how “Torch” has fared.

106a. Appreciation by Admiralty
[PREM 3/163/1]

Carrier reinforcements for South West Pacific

Carrier Reinforcement of S.W. Pacific

The attached appreciation shows that in naval forces the Americans will be inferior to the Japanese in the South West Pacific until next Spring, even if we reinforce them by three aircraft carriers. Without these reinforcements they will be markedly inferior, and the security of the trans-Pacific air and sea routes may be endangered. Even if Guadalcanal falls, provided we dispute further Japanese advances to the South and maintain pressure in New Guinea, the Japanese should be sufficiently contained in the Pacific to prevent them from carrying out any major operations elsewhere.

2. It must be emphasised that with the limited knowledge of the naval, air and land forces engaged in this theatre which is available in the Admiralty, this conclusion must necessarily be somewhat speculative. Moreover, in our calculations we have made allowance for U.S.S. RANGER reinforcing this area after “TORCH”, though the Americans do not apparently like exposing this ship to any severe test on account of her poor underwater protection.

The Indian Ocean

3. Activity in the South West Pacific, combined with the general shortage of shipping will, in our opinion, limit Japanese activity in the Indian Ocean to naval sorties and carrier-borne raids against shipping or harbours. There are two methods of countering this:-
(a) By superior naval forces based in Ceylon and (b) By shore-based air forces, adequate to cover coastal shipping, ports and anchorages.

In addition naval escort against raiders will be required for important convoys outside the protection of shore-based air.

4. Owing to our shortage of aircraft carriers and destroyers, we are unlikely to be able to provide in the first half of 1943 an Eastern Fleet superior to the naval force which the Japanese could make available were they to accept risks in the Pacific area. Since the weaker Fleet is unable to provide protection, our proper course is to rely on anti-raider escort by cruisers, backed up by flying boat and shore-based reconnaissance and air striking forces. In accepting this course, we necessarily accept diversion or stoppage of trade during the period of any Japanese sortie in strength. This, however, should not be of very long duration in view of their inability to seize advance bases while contained in the South Pacific.

5. It therefore follows that by reinforcing the South Pacific with major units of the Eastern Fleet and so increasing the scale of attack which the Japanese must bring to bear concurrently with the threat which the Allied forces can mount, we should be able to do more to increase the security of the Indian Ocean than by retaining in this area a weak Eastern Fleet. Of such action, the build-up of flying boat and shore-based air forces in the Indian Ocean is a corollary.

The Atlantic Ocean

6. With the GRAF ZEPPELIN possibly in service by early 1943, two large Fleet Carriers must be retained in the United Kingdom or at Gibraltar to allow for docking and repairs.
If all other Fleet Carriers were to be detached to the South Pacific, the chances of giving increased protection to Russian convoys by the Home Fleet would be lessened, since the risks involved would be greater. Supplies to Russia by the Northern route may even increase in importance next year. Even if German air strength in Northern Norway deteriorates therefore, we are unlikely to be able to exploit it by providing adequate air protection for the Home Fleet east of Bear Island.

The Mediterranean

7. The Chiefs of Staffs have decided that our main amphibious operations in 1943 should be conducted in the Mediterranean with the object of stretching the enemy forces to the greatest possible extent. They have also recommended that in this theatre we should first aim at:–
(i) The elimination of Axis forces in North Africa from the East, together with such assistance as can be rendered from the West.
(ii) The capture of Sardinia from the West at the earliest opportunity.

Given adequate shore-based air forces on the North African coast at either end, cover of convoys to support the elimination of Axis forces in Libya should not require the presence of capital ships or carriers.

8. Investigations into the capture of Sardinia have, at present followed two lines:–

(a) capture by direct assault of Cagliari and

(b) the capture of Cagliari by overland advance from the West coast.

Owing to lack of intelligence no decision has yet been possible as to whether a direct assault on Cagliari is feasible but, if it is, we could establish our fighter forces ashore very much more quickly by this means. Air support for the assault could probably be provided from Tunisia by long range fighters amplified by fighters from Auxiliary
Aircraft Carriers. To interfere with a direct assault on Cagliari, the Italian Fleet must accept the threat of heavy air attack from Tunisia. Were this threat adequate, no heavy Naval covering force and therefore no Fleet carriers would be necessary against the Italian Fleet.

The alternative plan involves carrier borne air support for several days until the Army has captured Cagliari and its aerodromes. To cover this West coast landing, a force of 3 battleships and 2 carriers would probably be necessary to guard against interference by the Italian Fleet from the North. This alternative plan is probably not feasible unless the enemy fails to reinforce his land garrison and the strength of the German Air Force in the Mediterranean is much reduced.

9. For offensive naval action against the French or Italian Rivieras, the support of Fleet Aircraft Carriers would be required. Similarly, for any operation against Sicily, Fleet Aircraft Carriers would be needed to support heavy naval covering forces.

10. To sum up, if no Fleet Carriers can be made available for the Mediterranean the capture of Sicily is probably not possible. The capture of Sardinia might, however, be possible if a direct assault can be made on Cagliari. In this event we must, therefore, forego any hope of reopening the Mediterranean to a full flow of traffic. By denying ourselves offensive Naval sorties such as the bombardment of Genoa, we also curtail our ability to increase the liability of Italy to Germany.

Summary of the Problem

11. Our broad strategy is to defeat Germany, diverting from that object only the minimum forces necessary for the safeguarding of our interests in the East. The problem before us, therefore, lies in the interpretation of the word “minimum”. On the one hand, without British support, the American trans-Pacific air and sea routes may be endangered by the Japanese; on the other hand, with only two large carriers in the North Atlantic, we are unable to exploit our Mediterranean strategy to the full and cannot hope fully to reopen that area to our shipping.

12. We must avoid dividing our carrier forces into small groups. If we are to reinforce the Americans we must do so on as large a scale as possible, not only because any compromise will fail to achieve our object of containing the Japanese in this area, but also because weak reinforcements will subject us to greater risks of attrition.

13. We shall get no new Fleet carriers until 1944, when INDEFATIGABLE and IMPLACABLE come into service. By mid-1944 the Americans expect to complete eleven Fleet carriers and nine converted cruiser carriers additional to their present forces.

14. Unless we support the Americans to the utmost of our ability in the present emergency, we are unlikely to gain naval support for European operations – possibly in the Mediterranean – in the latter half of 1943 when the South Pacific situation should have been retrieved.

15. From the foregoing arguments and, of course, subject to any casualties sustained in “TORCH” and a satisfactory solution to the problem of the French Fleet, I recommend that we should reinforce the American naval forces in the South Pacific at the expense of the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean during the next six months.

Conclusion

16. This appreciation only deals with the question of Carriers. A separate paper on the Battleship problem is attached [not reproduced].

113. Message from Naval Commander, Expeditionary Force to Admiralty
[PREM 3/163/1] 2200, 19 November 1942

Requirements for aircraft carriers in Mediterranean
246. HUSH. Personal for First Sea Lord
Your 2345/18. My appreciation of forces required is based on the considerations given below.

(2) As long as the Italian Fleet is in being and in a position to interfere a considerable force of capital ships and therefore cruisers is essential. This applies even more strongly if we attempt any operations against Sicily, Sardinia or France. Even if we do not do so the Italian Fleet will be a constant nuisance and menace to through convoys in the Mediterranean and it must be our object to render it ineffective as soon as possible otherwise we shall lose much of the value from TORCH operations.

(3) Apart from the above there remains the requirement of a force for work in the Atlantic and until the fate and future activities of the French Toulon Fleet and the force at Dakar are definitely known, for this purpose a small capital ship force appears desirable.

(4) In regard to the Malta convoy it is proposed to await the result of [Operation] STONEAGE and of the operations in Tunisia. Should neither of these come up to expectations it will be necessary to fight the Western convoy through.

(5) If, however, we can get a proper scale of trained shore-based aircraft we shall be in much better position to get rid of the aircraft carriers which apart from other calls on them are much better out in open waters. It would also be possible to withdraw capital ships. It may not perhaps be realized that we have at present no repeat no anti-ship striking force at all except one of six Swordfish at Algiers.

(6) When TORCH was planned we pressed hard on this subject but all that we could obtain was a nebulous promise of one Beaufort T/B Squadron from Middle East … We are feeling this lack of an air Striking force very seriously at this moment with the Axis running supplies at this critical moment into Tunisia by day by sea virtually unhindered.

(7) I feel it of primary importance not to reproduce the situation we had in 1941 in Eastern Mediterranean when, owing to carrier losses, we had neither a sea borne nor a shore based air striking force with the results of which we are aware. I must earnestly press therefore for every effort to be made to have adequate air operationally under Naval control before my only striking force in the form of capital ships and carriers is removed.

(8) To summarise, the following is my view of the Naval Forces both major and minor which are needed. It is based on the assumption that we have effectively occupied Tunisia, that Spain remains neutral and the French Fleet passive.

(A) Aircraft carriers can be dispensed with as soon as an effective and trained naval co-operation group is established on similar terms to 201 Naval Co-operation Group. Adequate reconnaissance striking and fighter forces essential to include torpedo aircraft.

(B) Carriers would again be required for assault of Sardinia, to be withdrawn on establishment of R.A.F. there.

(C) When I am satisfied practically that the Naval Co-operation Group is up to the job I consider capital ships could be withdrawn except for one to work westward from Gibraltar with attendant cruiser and destroyers. A carrier is very desirable with this force …

2 December 1942, Churchill to Roosevelt #217, Message Files, FDR Presidential Papers, National Archives, https://catalog.archives.gov/id/27579613 posted:

1) Ever since we received a request for carrier reinforcement for your Pacific fleet we have been earnestly seeking to meet your wishes. We did not feel able to come to a decision about these very few vital units until we knew how our carriers had fared in the restricted and dangerous waters in which they had to operate for Torch.

2) The hazards of Torch are not yet ended, as our build-up of shore-based aircraft will not enable the withdrawal for some time of the two carriers now employed on Torch. Knowing however, how urgently you require a reinforcement of carriers in the Pacific we are prepared to take a risk now and come to a decision as to what assistance we can give you.

3) As you are aware, our carrier strength consists of the following: A) four long endurance armoured fleet carriers: Victorious, efficient and just withdrawn from Torch, Illustrious, efficient and the only carrier now with the Eastern Fleet, Indomitable undergoing after action repairs and will not be worked up before January, Formidable, now employed on Torch but has turbine trouble and must go into dockyard hands for six or seven weeks as soon as possible B) One short endurance fleet carrier, Furious, which is now employed in Torch C) An aircraft repair ship, Unicorn, which can operate about twenty five aircraft but will not be ready for service until early February.

4) In the hope that your operations in the South Pacific will prevent the Japanese from making serous raids in the Indian Ocean we are prepared to take the serious risk of withdrawing Illustrious from the Eastern fleet, and given Admiral Somerville the Unicorn and an auxiliary carrier. We are also prepared to withdraw Victorious from the Home Fleet, and to send you both Victorious and Illustrious if you can allow Ranger to join the Home Fleet.

5) In view of the vital importance of the Atlantic communication, the necessity of supporting the North Russian convoys, the possible appearance of Graf Zeppelin at the end of the year, and the present condition of Indomitable and Formidable, we could not release both Victorious and Illustrious without the addition of Ranger to the home fleet.

6) I am in favour of sending you two carriers rather than one if this can be managed, as this will not only give increased strength but would allow the two ships to work as a tactical unit, which would appear to be necessary as neither ship carries sufficient aircraft to operate singly. I would propose to send Admiral Lyster, who is known to a good many of your officers, in command.

7) It is considered necessary for both ships to proceed to Pearl Harbour, where they should arrive about the end of December to adjust their complement of aircraft. 8) If you are in favour of this exchange Pound will settle details with King.

4 December 1942, King to Leahy, , Message Files, FDR Presidential Papers, National Archives, https://catalog.archives.gov/id/27579611 posted:

I enclose draft of a dispatch which I propose be sent by the President in answer to [Churchill]'s No. 217 of 2 December.

While I appreciate the willingness of the British to give us two carriers, I feel that any such scheme would result in having two mixed British-U.S. Task Forces, one built around two British carriers in the Pacific and the other built around RANGER in the home fleet. Mixed Task Forces, as you so well know, are always undesireable. They are particularly undesireable when carriers are included because of wide differences in the technique of carrier operations. I am convinced that we should keep our carriers in our own fleets to the greatest extent possible and that the British should do the same.

We do need temporary air reinforcement in the Pacific and, in order to obtain it, I think we should accept the offer of the ILLUSTRIOUS, but I do not think that any further mixing of U.S. and British carriers is either necessary or desirable.

I am particularly anxious that RANGER be kept under my control, in order that it may be used in the Atlantic or the Pacific as the situation may require.

Signed, E.J. King (attached draft dispatch matches that sent in response to Churchill's No. 217)

5 December 1942, Roosevelt to Churchill #226, Message Files, FDR Presidential Papers, National Archives, https://catalog.archives.gov/id/27579611 posted:

Your despatch number 217 of December 2, 1942, has received serious consideration. Your offers of cooperation are deeply appreciated.

In spite of the advantages which would result from the employment of both Victorious and Illustrious as a tactical unit in the Pacific, other considerations make it necessary to forego the services of Victorious there. If it becomes necessary to send yet another carrier to the Pacific in the near future, Ranger would be chosen because she does not require special preparation for operations with other American forces.

The early arrival of Illustrious in Pearl Harbor is looked forward to with anticipation.

Delivery Timeline of Victorious
1942 December 20 – Victorious departed Britain
1942 December 31 - Victorious arrived Norfolk
1943 January 31 – Victorious exited dry dock
1943 February 3 – Victorious departed Norfolk
1943 March 4 – Victorious arrived Pearl Harbor
1943 May 8 – Victorious departed Pearl Harbor
1943 May 17 – Victorious arrived Noumea


Correspondence Regarding the Early 1942 Request for an American Carrier to Reinforce Force H

14 March 1942, Churchill to Roosevelt #44, Message Files, FDR Presidential Papers, National Archives, https://catalog.archives.gov/id/27579599 posted:

We have decided to do Bonus (Operation Ironclad, Invasion of Madagascar), and as it is quite impossible to weaken our Eastern Fleet we shall have to use the whole of Force H now at Gibraltar. This will leave the Western exit of the Mediterranean uncovered, which is most undesirable. Would it be possible for you send say two battleships, an aircraft carrier, some cruisers and destroyers, from the Atlantic, to take the place of Force H temporarily? Force H would have to leave Gibraltar not later than March 30 and could hardly reach Gibraltar again before the end of June. We have not planned any operation for Force H inside the Mediterranean between April 1 and the end of June. It is most unlikely that French retaliation, if any, for Bonus would take the form of attacking United States ships by air. Moral effect of United States ships at Gibraltar would, in itself, be highly beneficial on both sides of the straits. Operation Bonus cannot go forward unless you are able to do this. On the other hand, there are the greatest dangers in leaving Bonus to become a Japanese base. We are not telling anyone about our plans and assaulting troops mingle easily with our March convoy to the east. A separate telegram will explain the meaning of Bonus.

16 March 1942, Roosevelt to Churchill #119, Message Files, FDR Presidential Papers, National Archives, https://catalog.archives.gov/id/27579597 posted:

Prefer to meet request in your despatch number 44 regarding Ironclad as to temporary replacement of Force Hypo by sending detachment to join Home Fleet equivalent in strength to force detached therefrom to replace Force Hypo. Our ships now being made ready with view to early departure.

16 March 1942, Roosevelt to Churchill #120, Message Files, FDR Presidential Papers, National Archives, https://catalog.archives.gov/id/27579597 posted:

1) Apropos my No. 119 this afternoon I feel that it would be more advisable if we reinforce your Home Fleet temporarily and you detach such ships as are necessary either to replace your H Force or to do the whole escorting job itself. We would send a force of two battleships, two cruisers, an aircraft carrier and a squadron of destroyers to take up their position at such bases like Scapa as are agreed upon between the Admiralty and the Navy. The difficulties of our operating in Gibraltar are very considerable and I should much prefer to reinforce your Home Fleet in a manner that would enable you to release the appropriate number of ships.

17 March 1942, Churchill to Roosevelt #48, Message Files, FDR Presidential Papers, National Archives, https://catalog.archives.gov/id/27579599 posted:

1) Your numbers 119 and 120. If Tirpitz comes out only the fastest heavy ships are of any use. We must therefore keep two King George Fifths and Renown in north working with our only remaining fast aircraft carrier on this station. Tirpitz has gone north to strike at our joint munition convoys to Russia and action may easily arise. Texas class could not play any part in such fighting. They could not therefore release corresponding force to go to Gibraltar.

2) In view of your help we could send to Gibraltar one eight inch cruiser and four destroyers (British) from the home fleet and makeshift with that while force Hypo is away.

3) We should greatly welcome your sending to home fleet one or two heavy cruisers, not less than four destroyers, and above all please a fast carrier invaluable to join Victorious in catching Tirpitz.

4) We assume any ships you will send will be under operation orders of C in C, home fleet.

5) Your points about sinkings and Atlantic convoys are being gone into separately, and a further signal will be made from Pound to King.

17 March 1942, Churchill to Roosevelt #50, Message Files, FDR Presidential Papers, National Archives, https://catalog.archives.gov/id/27579599 posted:

1) Pound has just informed me that he has received a very nice message from King in which the latter says he will do all he can to keep the Japanese interested in the Pacific, whilst we are building up our strength in the Indian Ocean.

2) King also mentions that he was considering sending your two new battleships to the Pacific when my request to you to put a force at Gibraltar was received. We had no idea that your new ships were ready for service, and therefore only had in mind two of your Texas class.

3) We greatly appreciate your willingness to send your new ships to us but, knowing how urgent it is that you build up your Pacific fleet, I think we should be wrong to accept your generous offer, thereby postponing this great reinforcement to your fleet. If you can send us the ships I mentioned in my number 48 we can manage and will be most grateful.

19 March 1942, Churchill to Roosevelt #52, Message Files, FDR Presidential Papers, National Archives, https://catalog.archives.gov/id/27579599 posted:

1) We are deeply grateful for your sending a force in which is included one of your new battleships to join CINC Home Fleet.

2) This will enable us to send a force which will include the Renown to Gibraltar. We will get in touch with Ghormley where your ships should proceed.

3) When the time is approaching for your new battleships to go to the Pacific please give us sufficient warning to enable readjustments to be made in British dispositions.

18 March 1942 Roosevelt to Churchill #123, Message Files, FDR Presidential Papers, National Archives, https://catalog.archives.gov/id/27579597 posted:

Your Number 48 and 50. We will send departing about March Twenty third detachment under command of Wilcox comprising one new battleship, two heavy cruisers, one carrier, five or six destroyers to report for temporary duty to Ghormley to be under operational orders of CINC Home Fleet. We will keep ready on this side similar detachment in position suited to head off enemy when he comes into open Atlantic. We feel that you can now include battleship in your replacement for Force Hypo and otherwise make it more nearly adequate.

Delivery Timeline of Wasp and TF39
1942 March 26 – Wasp, Washington, Wichita, and Tuscaloosa departed Casco Bay
1942 April 3 – Wasp, Washington, Wichita, and Tuscaloosa arrived Scapa Flow

Table of Interallied Requests for Fleet Carriers Comparing Date of Request, Response, and Delivery from Date of Original Request

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
I will be gauche and respond to myself with Roskill's defense of the Royal Navy in the late 1942 episode:

Roskill, Stephen W. 1954. The War at Sea 1939-1945, Volume II: The Period of Balance. London: H.M.S.O., available at Internet Archive posted:

Pg. 227-230, Chapter 9: The Pacific and Indian Oceans
The sinking of the Wasp made no difference to Halsey's determination to give the hard-pressed marines on Guadalcanal every support that lay within his power. His fleet was once again organised in three main groups. The first consisted of the Enterprise and the new battleship South Dakota, the second of the Hornet and cruisers, while the third was composed of the battleship Washington and more cruisers. Each group had its own destroyers for screening. Rear Admiral T. C. Kinkaid in the Enterprise was the senior officer afloat. A powerful Japanese force, which included four carriers, was operating near the Santa Cruz Islands with the same broad purpose as Halsey's relative to the fighting on Guadalcanal. Early on the 26th of October Kinkaid was ordered to attack it. Each side's search aircraft sighted the other's carriers at about 6:30 a.m., and the Americans started with the good luck of putting the Zuiho out of action with the first of the many bombs dropped that day. Then the main carrier air battle was joined. The Shokaku was so severely damaged that she was out of action for nine months; but the Japanese got her home. When the turn came for the Hornet and Enterprise to shield themselves, the defending fighters were overwhelmed and both ships were hit. The Enterprise, after some anxious moments got her damage under control; but the Hornet was repeatedly hit, caught fire and had to be abandoned. She finally sank in the small hours of the 27th. The Japanese once again suffered heavy losses in aircraft, but the Battle of Santa Cruz, the fourth carrier air battle to be fought in six months, left the Americans for the second time with only one carrier in the South Pacific, and she was considerably damaged.

The Americans estimated that by the beginning of December the Japanese would have three or four carriers with about 250 aircraft ready for service in the South-West Pacific, besides powerful battleship and cruiser strength. Their assessment of Japanese naval air forces was, we now know, somewhat exaggerated, but the prospective disparity in aircraft carriers caused the United States Navy to turn to its principal Ally with an appeal for help. We will therefore take leave temporarily of the men fighting desperately in, over and around the embattled Solomon Islands to review the messages which passed between London and Washington on the subject. They show how easily two Allies, even two as closely tied together by blood, language and friendship as we and the Americans, can get at cross purposes.

On the 23rd of October the First Sea Lord signalled to Admiral Sir Charles Little, the head of our mission in America and Admiral Pound's representative on the Combined Chiefs of Staff Committee, that Admiral Stark (the head of the American mission in London) had suggested that 'now was a golden opportunity for positive action [by the Eastern Fleet] against the Bay of Bengal or along the Malay barrier'. Professor Morison tells us that this suggestion originated in a letter from Admiral Nimitz to Admiral King.[13] The Admiralty quickly followed up its first message to Washington with another saying that they 'could not discover what they could do to relieve the pressure', and pointed out that Operation 'TORCH', which was about to be launched in North Africa, and which had been given overriding strategic priority by both governments, had 'reduced the Eastern Fleet to one carrier and two battleships'. Admiral King was apparently away from Washington when this message arrived, and Admiral Little discovered that his Chief of Staff was wholly in the dark as to who had originated the request for help. However Admiral Little persevered in discovering the American needs, and the reasons for them, and on the 27th he signalled to the First Sea Lord urging that 'one or more of the Eastern Fleet's carriers be sent to Halsey's command'. 'This', said Little, 'is a real cry for immediate help', because the Hornet had been sunk and the Enterprise was only fifty per cent efficient. Next day Admiral Pound replied that the matter 'raises issues of the gravest importance concerning the ultimate command of the sea'. 'What', he asked, 'are the American dispositions? When and how was the Hornet sunk?'[14] Admiral Little was instructed to 'tell King that we are most anxious to help, but must have a clear picture of the whole situation'. In retrospect it does seem surprising that the highest naval authorities in London should have been kept so very much in the dark regarding American dispositions, and events in the Pacific.

On the 30th Little signalled that he had seen King that day, that the American Admiral had resented what he had called 'the catechism' given to him which, so he said, did not make it appear that we wished to help; further that King had said 'he had not asked any questions over giving us Task Force 99'.[15] 'Both of us' said Admiral Little 'were rather ruffled'. None the less that same day Little was able to signal a full statement of American dispositions, and their assessment of the enemy's strength. On the last day of the month the Admiralty tentatively offered a fleet carrier, but asked a lot of technical questions about what aircraft she was to operate. It was they said, impossible to be more definite until operation 'TORCH' had been launched, and we knew whether we had suffered any carrier losses in it. Meanwhile Admiral Somerville, Commander-in-Chief, Eastern Fleet, had been asked how he viewed being deprived of his last carrier--a proposition which did not appeal to him at all. On the 6th of December, by which time the success of 'TORCH' was well assured, the Admiralty signalled that the Victorious was being sent to the Pacific, which left the Home Fleet without a carrier. Admiral Cunningham was therefore asked to release the Formidable, since 'two carriers with Force H are a luxury in face of the inactivity of the Italian Fleet'. Finally on the 8th Admiral Little was instructed to tell King that the Victorious and three destroyers would be ready to leave the Clyde on the 19th. We will return to the period of her service in the Pacific in a later chapter. By the time she got there and had been re-equipped to use American aircraft, the crisis had, in fact passed.

In retrospect it seems that much of this signalling and most of the misunderstanding would have been avoided had the Admiralty been fully informed of the progress of the Pacific war. Nor was the Admiralty the only place where the lack of information regarding American accomplishments, plans and intentions was felt. Admiral Somerville had quite recently told the First Sea Lord that he was only able to glean such information through unofficial channels in Australia. It also seems certain that Admiral Nimitz's suggestion about sending a British carrier to the Pacific was passed to London without the American Navy Department having considered all aspects of the problem. Nimitz, of course, could not know all the details of operation 'TORCH', though he must have known that it was about to be launched. Admiral King and the Navy Department certainly knew all about it, knew that it had first claim on Allied resources, and that it involved the Royal Navy in very heavy commitments so long as the outcome was in the balance. Had these factors been carefully weighed in Washington, the problem might, even in face of the crisis which had arisen in the Pacific, have been viewed rather differently from the beginning. To send an aircraft carrier to fight on the other side of the world with a strange fleet is, of course, a very different matter from sending one to undertake short ferry operations such as the Wasp twice did to reinforce Malta.[16] If the Victorious took out her own aircraft complement, she would find no spares or replacements in the Pacific; so it was obviously preferable that she should be re-equipped with American aircraft. Yet her aircrews would certainly have to be re-trained to fly the latter. The technical and human problems involved were undoubtedly serious. That such a transfer was not as simple a matter as Washington seems to have felt, is shown by the fact that after her arrival at Pearl Harbor early in March 1943 some time elapsed before, even with all the help the Americans could give, the Victorious was ready to work with their Pacific Fleet.[17]

[13.] See Morison, Vol. V, p. 184.

[14.] The Hornet was actually sunk at 1:35 a.m. (local time) on 27th October in the Battle of Santa Cruz. This was equivalent to 12:35 p.m. on the 27th London time, only about twelve hours before Admiral Pound's signal was despatched.

[15.] This was the force commanded by Admiral R. C. Giffen, U.S.N., which came to Scapa in April 1942 (see p. 134). It was originally called Task Force 39.

[16.] See pp. 59 and 61.

[17.] See p. 415.


Still, I will point out what King would wish me to: Roskill conveniently focuses on Wasp with regards to the logistical difficulties and forgets the request for Ranger to join the Eastern Fleet in the Indian Ocean in April 1942. A request in which the US Navy kindly used diplomatic language to deny the request instead of pointing out the same embarrassing issues. In that instance, King stole a march on the British request and denied it the day before the request was made. I'm sure he'd also point out that he asked for the much nearer Illustrious and not the Victorious that was half a world away. King would also argue that the consistent speediness of US Navy responses had no basis in Royal Navy communication or lack thereof. He offered South Dakota, Alabama, and Ranger for Operation Husky within three days of miscommunication being cleared up that the Royal Navy had been expecting the US Navy to provide a spare pair of battleships.* He would argue that it was a lack of appreciation not a lack of communication that was the basis of the Royal Navy's recalcitrance.

* On 16 April 1943 it was discovered between the British and Americans that the British had assumed that their Operation Husky planning paper was adopted in full including the requirement for a pair of US battleships. The US position was that such explicit agreement had not been given. Indeed, Cooke pointed out that the US planners had stated plainly that no allocation for a covering force would be made by the US. Even so on 22 April 1943 King sent a memo to the Combined Chiefs of Staff stating that the US Navy would prefer to replace two British battleships in the Home Fleet with South Dakota and Alabama but could supply the Mediterranean force with its Task Force 22 (2 BB, 2 CA, 1 CV). King's preference bore out, but he cannot be said to have dithered in meeting the request. His naval staff wanted to belabor the issue of the Royal Navy having 13 capital ships and should be able to provide all necessary forces to contain the Italian fleet for the invasion of Sicily. Instead, per the idiom that King displayed for almost all requests he assented to, he answered positively and quickly in a message in which he merely pointed out that the situation appeared to him to not need US Navy assistance.


I won't flatly disagree with however any of you come down in these fights between King and the Royal Navy over requests for major naval vessels. Frankly, I feel that the wisdom behind every carrier request between the two allied carrier navies was questionable for the entire war. Both navies refused to transfer carriers out of the Atlantic due to a lack of trust with the other, so none of the transfers that did occur amounted to anything significant. At best the transfers that did occur were opportunities for mutual observation and practice in joint maneuvers. This is the point that people belabor today - often without addressing the lack of significant effect that actually occurred in naval relations.


Mostly this just gives me an opportunity to post another wacky treasure of the Admiral Cooke Papers. The US Navy was not unaware of the effort that it would take to prepare a Royal Navy fleet carrier for optimal operation with US forces. That had been explored the summer of 1942 when the idea was floated to take the Royal Navy fleet carriers and operate them directly in the US Navy in exchange for more escort carriers.

1942 July 16 - Memorandum, Subject: British CV’s posted:

1. Using the U.S. system of aircraft stowage and control, the capacity of British CV’s in U.S. aircraft, based on space studies, is about as follows:

INDOMITABLE
F4F-4 = 36
SBD-3 = 18
TBF-1 = 18
Total = 72

Present British complement is about 21 VF and 24 VTB (obsolescent).

ILLUSTRIOUS, VICTORIOUS, FORMIDABLE
F4F-4 = 36
TBF-1 = 18
Total = 54

Present British complement of the above three ships is about 12 VF and 21 VTB (obsolescent).

FURIOUS
F4F-4 = 18
SBD-3 = 12
TBF-1 = 12
Total = 42

Present British complement is about 12 VF and 18 VTB (obsolete).

Each of the above carriers has an adequate number of arresting wires and barriers for normal operations.

EAGLE and ARGUS are omitted because of size and age.

2. Combatant operations of U.S. Naval and Marine aircraft squadrons from these ships are possible under the following schemes:

a) Take over the whole ship.
(1) Replace bombs and torpedoes.
(2) Check oxygen and CO2 charging fittings.
(3) Install torpedo workshop tools (“travelling circus”).
(4) Check radio installation.
(5) Install Radar and homing gear if not already on.

b) Take over the Air Department complete.
(1) With this must go tactical control of the ship in order to insure a minimum safe coordination of operations between ship and squadrons.
(2) Take over radio communications.
(3) The Air Department is to include flight deck and hangar crews, signal officers, air plot, etc., in addition to squadron personnel.
(4) (As in (1), (2), (3), (4), and (5) of subparagraph (a) above.)

c) Operate U.S. squadrons under the Fleet Air Arm Organization
(1) Under the British operation system, the aircraft complements would be only as follows:
INDOMITABLE
F4F-4 = 18
TBF-1 = 12
SBD-3 = 12
Total = 42

ILLUSTRIOUS, VICTORIOUS, FORMIDABLE
F4F-4 = 27
TBF-1 = 18
Total = 45

FURIOUS
F4F-4 = 12 (about)
SBD-3 = 6
TBF-1 = 6
Total = 24

(2) Put aboard aircraft landing signal officers.
(3) Put aboard a senior U.S. naval aviator of wide experience as liaison officer.
(4) Take over radio communications with aircraft, or provide radio operators and supervisory personnel.
(5) (As in (1), (2), (3), (4), and (5) of subparagraph (a) above.)

3. (a) The United States needs large combatant type CV’s for operations against Japanese CV’s, naval forces, and island bases. On the other hand the major employment of CV’s by the British is in the protection of convoys and trade routes, for which purposes a number of slower vessels, each with a smaller complement of aircraft is adequate.
(b) It would appear proper to take over British CV’s on the basis of exchanging possibly 3 or 4 escort carriers for each large CV.

1942 August 3, Memorandum for Admiral King, Subject: Transfer of Two British Carriers to U.S. Navy posted:

1. Recent reconnaissance at GDYNIA shows that the upperworks of the GNEISENAU are being removed. This may well indicate her prospective conversion to a carrier. If the GNEISENAU is converted to a carrier, and the GRAF ZEPPELIN is completed, the Germans will have available a very powerful striking force, composed of two carriers, SCHARNHORST, TIRPITZ, and supporting craft.

2. If we assume the Germans equip these carriers with dive bombers as well as with torpedo planes and fighters, our position in the ATLANTIC, not to mention that of the British, may become very embarrassing.

3. There does not appear to be much prospect now of the British carriers being made ready to oppose successfully carriers operated as are American or Japanese carriers, and German carriers if similarly developed.

4. In view of this situation, it appears to me that the FURIOUS and INDOMITABLE should be transferred to the American Navy, fitted out with Navy planes and crews. The attached estimate shows that two months would be required to do this. Estimate also shows that there are a number of disadvantages in such a make-shift carrier. I am inclined to the view that these disadvantages must be accepted, and that a conversion time of one month must be directed.

5. It is recognized that the personnel problem of manning them is a stiff one.

6. If we should take them over, we will probably have to agree to keeping of at least one, possibly both of them, in the ATLANTIC, - and at least one of them serving with the HOME FLEET.

7. It will probably be very difficult to approach the British on this subject. Perhaps it could best be done, if you agree with the idea, directly between you and Admiral Cunningham.

[signed]
C. M. Cooke, Jr.,
Rear Admiral, U.S. Navy,
Assistant Chief of Staff (Plans)
[Admiral E. J. King initialed the memo as having been read]

1942 August 3, Memorandum for Admiral Cooke posted:

1. A conference was held between a representative of the Bureau of Ships, two from Bureau of Aeronautics, and three officers who have recently done duty in England, two of them having made wartime cruises in British carriers. A concensus of opinion of these officers brings out the following details:

(1) The British man their ships with about fifty percent of the people that we consider necessary. The British carrier commanders recently requested to increase their complements from 1200 to 1600. It is probable that a minimum crew which could take care of 70 U.S. planes would be in the vicinity of 1600.

(2) British carriers are short-legged

(3) British carriers hold just under 100,000 gallons of gasoline, which makes them very short-legged as regards air operations.

(4) Personnel accommodations on British carriers make for “hard living.” Messing accommodations require two shift messing for British complements, which would mean at least three shifts for American complement. The men bathe in salt water, and the ships make so little fresh water that they are hard put to it now to keep up with the demand in the tropics.

2. The requirements for conversion to U.S. complement of planes were gone into in detail. The Bureau of Ships representative gave as his estimate, a period of two months after arrival in the yard for the accomplishment of these alterations which at this time appear to be the minimum necessary for operation of about 70 U.S. aircraft. These alterations would result in a makeshift ship, which would be unsuited for the unlimited operation which we expect of our carriers. The ships would have to be nursed both as to fuel and as to gasoline, the personnel would suffer disproportionate hardships, and at best the aircraft operations would be somewhat slower than on a U.S. ship.

3. Rapid conversion of these ships would require the assignment of the highest priority to them in our Navy yards, superseding priorities on almost everything else.

4. The suggestion was offered by Commander Cooper, who has made cruises on British carriers, that the best method of increasing the striking power of the British carrier is to assign a British carrier to an American Carrier Task Force, and thus to force them, by precept and by example, to develop the technic and the ability and the knowledge of to how to fight their ships. He stated that it was his understanding that the British have under development a torpedo plane which can dive bomb. When fitted out with this plane[?], and when put into an American task force, he believes that they will become reasonably efficient fighting units.

Respectfully,
[signed]
T. H. Robbins
[bolded portions have pencil underline annotations].

Before you get too shocked at the US Navy's gumption, you should read that the Royal Navy was considering asking for US carriers.

Fleet Air Arm, 1942-1943, Naval Records Society posted:

34. Minute from Director of Plans[1] to Vice Chief of Naval Staff[2]
[ADM 1/12058] 29 April 1942


Proposed approach to President Roosevelt for transfer of Fleet Carriers to Royal Navy

The suggestion that the President should be approached has arisen from the report that there are under construction in the United States 20 carriers and 80 auxiliary carriers and the view that our carriers are more often at risk.

Auxiliary Aircraft Carriers.
2. Of the figure of 80 auxiliary aircraft carriers only 55 are earmarked. Ships are requisitioned for conversion in groups, and as far as can be seen the Americans are proposing to allocate to the R.N. about half of their output. No further action regarding auxiliary aircraft carriers is therefore called for at present.

Fleet Aircraft Carriers.
3. The Americans have been at war for less than 5 months. Aircraft from their carriers have carried out raids on the Mandated Islands and on Japan and in so doing have naturally been in danger from shore-based enemy aircraft. U.S.S. SARATOGA has been damaged by a submarine’s torpedo.[3] In addition U.S.S. WASP has undertaken a ferrying trip to Malta and another is in prospect.[4] It was on this service that ARK ROYAL was sunk.[5] I do not consider, therefore, that we are justified in claiming that our aircraft carriers are, or will be, more often at risk.

4. An examination of the relative strength of the U.S. and Japanese Navies in the Pacific has recently been made … It will be seen from Table II [not reproduced] that the number of U.S aircraft carriers now in service in that area is considerably less than the Japanese total, and parity is only achieved in mid 1943. The U.S. carriers have, on the average, a greater capacity for aircraft than the Japanese so that the relative strength in seaborne aircraft is better than this comparison indicates. Nevertheless parity in seaborne aircraft for fleet operations in the Pacific is only achieved in April 1943. (Table IV) [not reproduced].

Battleships.
5. Comparisons of the number and fighting power of Japanese battleships and of U.S. battleships allocated to the Pacific are illustrated in Tables I and II [not reproduced]. The U.S. achieves no substantial margin of strength until 1944.

Conclusion.
6. We have ample evidence that the U.S. are wedded, in political and naval thought, to the two ocean navy programme, which is based on the hypothesis that the British have ceased to fight. At present they have in the Pacific a Navy inferior to the Japanese Navy and it will be some time before they have a margin of strength sufficient to undertake the strategic offensive in that area.

7. Our need for aircraft carriers may well be more urgent than that of the U.S. and from time to time circumstances may be favourable for obtaining the temporary loan of these ships. In view, however, of the U.S. attitude regarding the 2 ocean navy programme, I am firmly of the opinion that an approach to the President at the present juncture for the transfer of battleships and aircraft carriers has not the smallest chance of success.

8. Although our own weakness provides material for an approach, American weakness provides material for an answer. I believe that an approach now can only weaken the value of the Prime Minister’s influence in matters in which we have a valid case to press, such as a request for temporary loan of heavy forces.

9. If losses are inflicted on the Japanese or if we are assured that their new construction is less than is forecast, our case for permanent transfer of U.S. heavy ships to the R.N. may, at a future date, become valid …

[1] Capt C.E. Lambe.

[2] VA H.R. Moore.

[3] Saratoga was hit by a torpedo fired by I-6 400 miles south-west of Pearl Harbor on 11 Jan 1942.

[4] Wasp’s first ferrying trip was Operation ‘Calendar’. See Doc. 23 for details.

[5] Ark Royal was torpedoed by U-81 while returning from Operation ‘Perpetual’ on 13 Nov 1941. See Ben Jones (ed), The Fleet Air Arm in the Second World War: Volume I, 1939–1941 (Farnham, 2012), Docs Nos 164, 167 and 173.


Honestly, if you read James P. Levy's "Race for the Decisive Weapon" in the Naval War College Review, it's not too surprising why both the US Navy and Royal Navy were eyeing each others carriers in 1942.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

DTurtle posted:

This was an extremely interesting read. It's interesting to see some of the incomplete information sharing (deliberate or not), miscommunication, etc. between two allies working so closely together. Just getting everything where it needs to be is already such a complicated thing to do. And then you actually have an enemy trying to stop you.

Also very "interesting" to see the amount of weight given to the Graf Zeppelin.

Yeah! There’s some great scholarship on both points.

Allies & Adversaries by Mark Stoler, editor of the Marshall Papers, explores, from the American perspective, the difficulties and obstacles to closer cooperation with Britain. It well demonstrates that the Allies did not win by succeeding in cooperation more than the Axis but instead failing significantly less than the Axis in cooperating.

I’m forever indebted to Marcus Faulkner and his “A Question of Estimates” for arguing well that the lack of definite intelligence on Graf Zeppelin forced the British and US to treat it seriously at least until midway through 1943.

Milan Vego has also published excellent articles in Naval War College Review concerning the major German Navy operations of World War II.

The German fleet of World War II gets a bad reputation because it faced the entire Royal Navy and French Navy for a year in a war of Germany’s instigation with no guarantee of allies. It very specifically did not win that war or the larger war for Germany. The presumption then being that whatever benefits it provided could not be the highest and best opportunity cost. Furthermore the benefits it provided the Italians and Japanese are not appreciated because neither of them managed to win the war either.

Bismarck in particular is seen as a sinecure of the Royal Navy dominance over the Germany fleet in a way that wasn’t assessed at the time. In historiography the loss of Bismarck is seen as wiping away the other successful raids of the 1940-41 winter. Yet everyone in the Royal Navy and US Navy were convinced that the winter of 1941-42 would have still more raids by the German heavy surface ships. This is why the fleet destroyers for the US battleships and carriers were not released to address Operation Drumbeat. Even when those raids didn’t happen, the expectation was there again for raids that following winter of 1943-43.

Far from proving that heavy raiders could be caught with certainty, Bismarck proved that the Home Fleet at Scapa Flow or Iceland wasn’t enough to assure the interception of German heavy raiders. Instead, multiple task forces around the Atlantic were required to guarantee (as much as can ever be) catching a German heavy ship or task force. This is why containing the German fleet took 2-4x the number of like vessels. Adding naval aviation to the German fleet through Graf Zeppelin would have increased the difficulty by a magnitude.

There’s an oft repeated claim that Germany should only have built uboats and never have built a fleet. Nothing of the war would have given the Allies better relief.*

In short the Graf Zeppelin is a case study for the German fleet as a whole, the Allies allocated greater resources than the German fleet warranted for the effort the Germans applied. By hindsight we can thus rightfully question the appropriateness of Allied concern and resources so long as due regard is given to acknowledging that the Germans could have also acted differently. The Allies could have allocated less capital ships and carriers to contain the German fleet but by doing so the German fleet might have been more active up to and including finishing and sortieing the Graf Zeppelin.

When you leave yourself weak or inadequately prepared because you don’t expect the enemy to act, you’re brave or foresighted. If they do punish your inadequacy, you’re foolhardy.


*Short of no war at all or their enemies simply being too incompetent to even breathe.

I’ll still vocalize that my arguing the German fleet wasn’t ‘bad’ does not mean I think it was ‘good’ let alone great. It simply is under appreciated for the limited value it did have.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
Occurred to me that my tables could spit out a few more charts. Aside from showing the variety of World War II carriers, I haven’t figured out anything to say with them. Still, I figured y’all should be able to look at them.

Tonnage (Standard) of WWII Carrier Classes


Operating Plane Complement of WWII Carrier Classes


Waterline Rectangular Area of WWII Carrier Classes


Overall Rectangular Rectangular Area of WWII Carrier Classes


Flight Deck Rectangular Area of WWII Carrier Classes


Flight Deck & Hangar Rectangular Area of WWII Carrier Classes

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
Something that cracks me up in US Navy records straight through current US Navy journal and magazine articles is the continuous recognition that a carrier is a long-life vessel that needs to be designed as well as possible to age gracefully. What makes me laugh are statements that carriers need to be designed as much as 50% larger than contemporary requirements to account for growth in aircraft size, weight, and takeoff & landing runs. I have zero belief that a carrier designed to a larger size for future operations isn’t going to be immediately operated to its total capacity. For example, a carrier the size of 108 original planes with expectation of being only able to operate 72 in 10 years will be operating 108 upon commissioning not 72. Then the Navy will still complain when the air group eventually shrinks to 72.

I love to imagine half the hangar boarded up with a sign that says, “Not to be opened until 2048.”

The wisest writing on the subject I ever saw argued that if future airplanes, weapons, or whatever reduced the quantitative capacity of a carrier then the Navy needed to trust that the qualitative gain was equal or greater.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

feedmegin posted:

Surely the idea - with length especially in mind - is that if you lengthen your carrier then you can put more planes on it now and less, larger ones in the future, but if you don't, you go from putting the current number of planes on it now to zero (0) modern planes in the future because the carrier isn't big enough for them to take off.

Nah. At least not for the US Navy. Their concern has been sheer numbers and capability when considering size and operating complement.

(There’s a Navy doc quoted below for those who want to skip my explanation.

It’s a good thought, but basically any prospective propeller plane* can take off from any carrier with at least a 600’ deck if not a 500’ deck. The key considerations for propeller planes performing a rolling takeoff are 1) wind over the deck and 2) loading condition. Both affect the necessary takeoff run. Generally any propeller plane can takeoff in 25kt wind over the deck unless in an extreme loading condition. When overloaded, 30-40kts wind over the deck becomes necessary to control the takeoff run to an acceptable length of the carrier’s deck.

The Grumman TBF only needs about 440’ to takeoff in 25kt wind. That’s why carriers were able to launch planes even while swinging at anchor. Anything north of 600’ is capable of operating propeller planes and the greater length only affects the number of planes it can operate - not if.

Hell, most of the carriers of WWII could launch a number of B-25s. That capability was not unique.

Then the jet revolution changed everything. Now the consideration is the design of the catapult - length and capacity of the catapult. No jet aircraft can perform a rolling takeoff from any carrier without other limitations (short-or-vertical takeoff features or limited loading and a ski jump). Even the light but capable A-4 Scooter needs ~1800’-4000’ to takeoff in 25kt wind over the deck. This has largely standardized takeoff distance for carriers that use catapults. Now wind over the deck usually only affects loading condition using catapult launch. A lot of planes can be catapulted while the carrier swings at anchor if in light load conditions. This is why the Colossusclass could have a long and useful career into the 1990s operating the A-4 despite their 690’ long flight deck.

Even still, takeoff distance, in general, is second to the space necessary for landing as the dominant limitation in deck space available to park planes out of the way of flight operations. The run out distance of an arrested landing is standard for a plane in a given load situation, but overall landing area is further governed by redundancy. Which wire does the plane catch? How many barriers need to be erected to ensure a run-away plane is caught before it plows into planes parked on deck?

Angling the landing area outboard from the rest of the flight deck greatly assisted with controlling the need for extreme redundancy. A plane which misses the arresting wires on an angled deck will continue safely out over the water. Then just 4 arresting wires are necessary and no barriers are needed for regular operations at all. This has also fairly well standardized the required size of landing areas.

Once you have your takeoff area and landing area sized, the remaining space is available for your air group. Basically, anything big enough to land one plane can operate one plane. The extra size is for the ability to operate 10, 25, 50, or 100 planes.

The sizing debates were very much about numbers and defensive features - not about basic capability to even operate planes. Read the materials enough and you start picking up that “can’t operate” is simply a more forceful way of saying “can’t operate the number of planes that we believe is necessary.”

If we wanted to design a carrier that operates just one nuclear bomber, we could probably do so on a flight deck of just 400’.

* by prospective propeller plane I mean any of the propeller planes designed and operated until jet planes supplanted propeller planes. Continued propeller plane development would eventually have required the angled deck and catapults that jet planes needed.


Here’s a historical paper by Admiral (then Lieutenant) James S. Russell that was passed around the Navy in 1940. Not only does he explain what I have already covered well, but he also tackles hangars too. I’ll try to reproduce his charts in the near future for y’all.


A Statistical Analysis of the Growth of Carrier Based Airplanes and Discussion of Effect on Carrier Design and Operation, Prepared by the Carrier Desk, Bureau of Aeronautics (signed James S. Russell) posted:

In studying the design of new aircraft carriers it is necessary to predict the size and weight of the landing and take-off performance of future carrier based airplanes.

The change in these characteristics for the average carrier based airplane during the past fifteen years is shown on the attached charts. Chart 1 shows those characteristics which primarily affect deck length, and Chart 2 those which primarily affect deck area. The average flight deck length and flight deck area of carriers in commission have been plotted on the charts in order to compare the growth of the airplane with the growth of the platform from which it must operate.

The data for the curves were prepared by listing the characteristics of each type of airplane, multiplying the characteristics by the actual number of the particular type assigned to carrier units as of 1 January each year, adding these products, and dividing by the total number of airplanes assigned to carrier units. A discussion of the curves follows:

Chart 1. Take-off Run in 25 Knot Wind.

The amount of flight deck available for the so-called “spotting of airplanes prior to take-off is limited by the length of deck which must be reserved for the safe runoff of the first airplane in the spot. Hence the carrying capacity of the flight deck is directly affected by this feature of the performance of the airplane. The ordinate of the curve or take-off run in 25 knot wind represents the ideal performance of the average airplane in trials. In actual practice about 50% is added to this run to cover variations in piloting technique and an occasional engine which does not develop optimum power in take-off.

An obvious method of improving the take-off run is to increase the relative wind over the carrier’s deck. However, two factors limit the possibility of indefinitely increasing the relative wind. The first and most important is that a relative wind of about 30 knots is the maximum which can be permitted without unduly increasing the hazards attending the movement of planes and personnel incident to launching. The second factor is that in the event of a dead calm at sea the carrier must create the relative wind entirely by her own movement through the water, and the relative wind is then limited to the carrier’s maximum speed. An objection also exists in that higher speeds incident to providing a higher relative wind cause the carrier to lose distance and time along the ocean track she desires to follow.

An inspection of the take-off run curve shows a steady rise at an increasing rate, except for a slight “flat” centered about the year 1936, which is probably due to the introduction of the controllable pitch propeller. It is interesting to note that between the years 1930 and 1939 the take-off run increased 93% and the average carrier deck length increased less than 7% for the same period. Improvement in the take-off run characteristics cannot be foreseen at this time for the reason that the modern demand for higher top speeds in military aircraft require higher wing loading, and higher wing loading inevitably increases the take-off run.

Chart 1. Weight and Stalling Velocity.

The amount of flight deck availability for the so-called “parking” of airplanes during recovery is directly affected by the deck length which must be used for alighting and arresting. The length of the deck which must be devoted to alighting and arresting depends on many variables. However, if a certain standard skill is assumed for pilots and landing signal officers, and if the airplane may be assumed to have average controllability near the stall and average effectiveness of high lift devices in adding drag to prevent “floating” in landing, then the space required for alighting on deck becomes a function of the airplane’s stalling velocity (landing speed) and the velocity of the relative wind over the carrier’s deck. The relative wind is again limited to a maximum permissible velocity of about 30 knots due to considerations of safety in moving planes and personnel on deck. Hence the primary variable in the consideration of deck length necessary for alighting becomes the airplane’s stalling velocity. On Chart 1 the stalling velocity curve shows a steady rise, (about 13.5% for the period 1930-39), due to a gradual acceptance of higher stalling velocities in new airplanes in order to obtain higher top speed and better all around performance. Stalling velocities may be expected to continue to go up. It is interesting to note that the introduction of high lift devices in carrier airplanes which began in 1935 has done nothing to impede the steady upward march of stalling velocities. The advantages of the high light devices have not been applied to decreasing the landing speed, but rather to permit increases in other aspects of performance, and the underlying increase in “acceptable” landing speeds has continued from year to year.

After alighting, the airplane must be brought to rest on deck. This is the “arresting” part of the recovery operation, and is a matter of absorbing the kinetic energy of the alighting airplane. Since the relative wind over the carrier’s deck is fixed at an upper limit of 30 knots for the reasons stated above (25 to 30 knots is actually used), arresting is a function of the mass of the airplane and the square of its stalling velocity or landing speed. The length of the arrested run can be controlled by the carrier up to the maximum energy absorbing capacity of her arresting gear. Further improvements can be, and is, made by a program of progressively increasing the capacity of arresting gear installations on the carriers. The length of arrested run is small compared to the deck length which must be allowed for reasonable safety in alighting on board ship. Arrested runs range from 40 to 100 feet, the usual deck length devoted to alighting is, at the present time, about 315 feet and includes the arrested run. The former length can be controlled to the limit of airplane and arresting gear strength, the latter length must reasonably increase as the airplane landing speed increases. If the deck length devoted to alighting and arresting is not increased as the landing speed increases then a higher barrier crash rate must be accepted (Barrier crash rate for 1937 was 1.11 per thousand; for 1938, 0.96; for 1939, 1.23)

Chart 2

The number of airplanes which can be spotted on that portion of the flight deck which remains after a length is reserved for the take-off of the first plane, or parked on that portion which remains after a length is reserved for alighting and arresting, depends upon the size of the individual airplane.
Two characteristic linear dimensions, span and length, of the average carrier-based airplane have been plotted. These have been multiplied together to make a third curve, “span x length”, indicating the block plan view area occupied by a single airplane. The average total carrier deck area has also been plotted. From the carrier deck area of the plot should be subtracted that area lost to take-off run, or to alighting and arresting.

It can be seen that the average carrier airplane has actually decreased in plan view size up until 1936, despite a gradual increase in weight. Compactness and higher wing loading in biplanes probably accounts for this anomaly. Since 1936, and the belated introduction of monoplanes in the shipboard service, there has been a sudden and decided increase in the plan view size of the average carrier airplane.

No attempt has been made to evaluate the effect of one important feature. This feature is wing folding Wing folding is a very promising means of reducing the span of the airplane. However, folding and spreading must be capable of being done rapidly and in a 30 knot wind. Wing folding is most practical in light and heavy bombers, which are usually spotted aft on the deck. Unless an airplane has an appreciable distance to taxi forward to the point of beginning the take-off, the time consumed in spreading and locking begins to affect adversely the take-off interval.

Another feature affecting the number of airplanes which can be carried on a given deck area is the way in which the airplanes lend themselves to close spotting. Many factors enter, such as whether or not the horizontal tail surfaces of one airplane will pass under the wing tip (stub wing, if folded) of another, whether the wing securing line is so far out along the wing as to prevent this, the width between the wheels, the distance between the propeller and the leading edge of the wing, the distance between the tail wheel and the trailing edge of the aftermost tail surface, etc. To correctly evaluate this feature in comparison of carrier airplane types, models of the airplanes should be spotted on a deck and the ration of projected airplane area to the deck area determined.

The greatest single factor adversely affecting carrier flight deck capacity is the increase of 93% in take-off run in the period 1930-39 represents a loss in carrying capacity of the flight deck of the 1939 carrier of 20%.

To date the alighting and arresting deck length has been greater than the take-off length. To recover the same number of airplanes as the number launched has been possible due to the closer interval which may be employed between planes in parking as against spotting (the propellers do not have to be clear to rotate in parking), and the parking of planes in the hangar. It appears that the take-off deck length and the alighting deck length will both increase in the future, the former somewhat more rapidly than the latter.

It can be seen that the flight deck area available for carrying airplanes is becoming less and less. To further aggravate the situation, the airplane is becoming larger thus reducing the number of airplanes which can be carried on the area remaining.

An obvious and, at first glance, attractive solution is to increase the size of the carrier. However, there are many attending disadvantages. When one considers the service life of an airplane in comparison with the service life of the carrier, it can be seen that a long range forecast of the development of the airplane would have to be made in the design stages of the new carrier. To prophesy what advances will be made in aviation in the next 20 years would be difficult indeed. To carry forward the curves shown in this analysis with constant rate of increase and to build a carrier in keeping therewith would result in a ship of tremendous size. First cost and military economy would forbid it.

Another solution is to stop the growth of the airplane. This cannot be done if the military performance of the airplane is to keep pace with modern developments.

A third solution is to reduce the number of airplanes borne by the aircraft carrier. If the carrier’s capacity is gauged by the pounds of military airplanes carried then it is entirely logical to reduce the number of airplanes as the unit weight increases.

The course to pursue at present appears to be not any one of these three solutions but a compromise between them all.

Future carriers should be larger than the present average carrier, but the increase in size should be in keeping with military economy and such as to avoid the situation wherein the loss of one carrier would too seriously affect the strength of the fleet.

Every effort should be made to build good take-off characteristics into the airplane and yet maintain the excellence of other factors of performance. Emphasis on take-off performance may be varied with type. It should be especially considered in VF and VS types which are almost invariably spotted forward on the flight deck. The introduction of the landplane catapult enables a plane to be launched in a deck length of about sixty feet, however, little capacity can be gained for the carrier because in recovery the alighting deck length must be reserved. While for this reason the catapult cannot be used for substantially increasing the capacity of the carrier, it is an attractive implement for overload launchings for long range and heavy expendable load missions (where the deck length for launching greatly exceeds that necessary for alighting), and for launching from a damaged deck, or from a carrier whose speed has been reduced and is therefore unable to generate the required relative wind. Further, the catapult permits flexibility in the spotting order of planes, as, for example, a scouting squadron can be spotted in the hangar and launched from that level at will, while an attacking group is spotted in readiness for launching from the flight deck. The one deficiency of the present catapult is its slowness in launching. The best launching interval to date has been about five times that of normal flight deck take-off interval. Improvements in operating procedure and the machine itself may be expected.

Finally, as the size, weight, stalling velocity and take-off run of the carrier airplane increase, it will become inevitable that the number of airplanes assigned to operate from each carrier will have to be reduced.
Before this is done, however, some improvement is possible in the direction of operating procedure. This is in the use of the hangar as a reservoir to which planes after alighting can be removed, and in which planes before launching can be warmed-up, made ready for flight, and then taken up to the flight deck during the launching operation. This procedure has been highly developed by the RANGER, which carrier has been forced to it by the small size of her flight deck. The YORKTOWN and ENTERPRISE have employed the procedure to a lesser extent, a squadron and a fraction being struck below during recovery, and sometimes 6 to 9 planes being warmed up and brought to the flight deck during launching. The LEXINGTON and SARATOGA strike a few planes below during recovery, but cannot use the hangar for warm up due to the present lack of adequate ventilation, however, plans for developing ventilation are under way.

In new carrier design the flight deck and elevators must be designed and arranged to facilitate the movement of flight deck traffic to and from the hangar. The elevators of YORKTOWN and ENTERPRISE operate on a 45 second round trip cycle. The carrier desires to launch er airplanes in as short an interval as possible in order to assemble her air strength in the air rapidly, and also to reduce her separation from the fleet or her loss of distance and time along a desired tracking during the time she must steam into the wind during the launching operation. From a flight deck spot an average launching interval of 16 seconds is practicable. It can be seen that if all the planes spotted on the flight deck are launched and then those from the hangar are brought up singly via one elevator the launching interval immediately becomes the round trip time of the elevator, i.e. 45 seconds, which is roughly three times too great. If, however, at the time the elevator platform is uncovered there remain on deck twice the number of airplanes which it is desired to bring up from below via the 45 second elevator, then the elevator can bring up its single airplane and feed it into the taxi line to the take-off point for every two airplanes which pass around the elevator from those spotted aft. Thus an airplane arrives at the take-off point every 15 seconds, each third one from the hangar, and the launching interval of a normal flight deck spot is maintained.

The situation could be improved by having more elevators, faster elevators, elevators with larger platforms (more airplanes per trip) and greater lifting capacity, were it not that structural and machinery space requirements definitely limit these features in the carrier. Three elevators can be provided, and the 45 second round trip cycle may be improved only slightly without excessive addition to the weight and size of the elevator machinery. Limited thus, it is of the greatest importance that the elevators be so placed that they will facilitate to the utmost traffic to and from the hangar. As to transverse location, the elevator should be placed as far to the side of the ship as possible in order to offer the maximum freedom to traffic both on the flight deck and in the hangar. Since the island already offers an obstruction on the starboard side, the elevators should be displaced as far as possible towards the starboard side so that in moving airplanes advantage may be taken of the opportunity of allowing one wing to overhang the port (clear) side of the flight deck. As to longitudinal location, the elevators should be concentrated towards the center of the ship so that two may be available for either operation – launching or recovery. Considering the increasing take-off run of airplanes, and that launching may be undertaken either over the bow or over the stern, a logical arrangement appears to be to divide the flight deck length in quarters and place an elevator at the one-, two-, and three-quarter points of the flight deck length. The location of one elevator at the two-quarter point, or center, of the flight deck length is important so that this elevator may be forward of the alighting area, and just abaft (if such is possible in view of the increasing take-off runs) the start of take-off. Considerations of airplane handling in the hangar favor not having the elevators at the extreme ends of the hangar. When so located there is only one avenue of approach to them through the hangar and this must be kept actively open. Also, in this location the elevator platform when at the hangar level is bounded by three vertical bulkheads so that airplanes parked on the platform can be moved off and into the hangar in one direction only. This restriction increases the time of unloading greatly. Further, space forward of the forward elevator and abaft the after elevator is most desirable as a quiet zone into which damaged airplanes can be segregated and where undisturbed engineering work can proceed on them immediately. Time is gained here both in the movement of the good airplanes by the removal of the damaged ones from hampering the flow of traffic and also in repairing the damaged planes.

An interesting development in airplane elevators, and one which will be of great benefit of its practical operation proves feasible is the deck edge elevator being installed on the WASP. This elevator takes a plane from the side of the flight deck and by parallel linkage carries it down outboard and into the side of the hangar. The great saving in deck space is evident, furthermore the installation requires less room for machinery and may permit a larger number of elevators to be installed per carrier. A difficulty in operation, which is as yet unknown, is the time required to place and secure the airplane on the elevator, and to remove it.

When the use of the hangar is developed to the fullest extent, when wing folding has produced an optimum saving of space, and yet the carrier airplane continues to grow then it will become necessary to reduce the number of airplanes assigned to the individual carrier.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
I should acknowledge this whole page more and say that yes the need to operate multiple nuclear bombers off of a carrier using 1940s operating practices and technology required a largest carrier yet designed - the USS United States. The ‘debate’ over that carrier led to the Revolt of the Admirals when the United States was cancelled. Therefore, again, yes a debate involved basic capability. However that debate is specific to the few years between the advent of the nuclear bomb and before the development of the steam catapult and angled deck.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
Thought about buying the 16 Micronaut models necessary to recreate Task Group 58.5 in Feb. 1945, but then I did the math. To accurately depict the cruising formation of that task group at proper scale would require a 12.5’ diameter space. Not the minor decor project I first considered. The only sufficiently clear space I have is my ceilings, but none of my rooms are even big enough.

Garden project?

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

Ensign Expendable posted:

Get several models in different scales and arrange them in a forced perspective diorama.

Now there’s an idea! And if I botch the scale, I can claim it’s an interpretation of mistaken identification. Such as when destroyers are confused for cruisers.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines

FPyat posted:

Do historical battlefield parks struggle with things like erosion and plant growth altering the landscape? Are there different approaches to how preservation should handle these changes?

The National Park Service has a grant program specifically to address this issue.

American Battlefield Protection Program (ABPP) posted:

Battlefield Restoration Grants support projects that restore “day-of-battle” conditions at nationally significant American Revolution, War of 1812, and Civil War battlefields and associated historic sites. The awards are made possible by the Land and Water Conservation Fund, which reinvests revenue from offshore oil and natural gas leasing to help strengthen conservation and recreation opportunities across the nation. These grants empower preservation partners to inspire wonder, understanding and empathy at the places that witnessed some of our nation’s most challenging events. In addition, the ABPP administers three other grants: Battlefield Land Acquisition, Preservation Planning, and Battlefield Interpretation grants. This financial assistance encourages and sustains community-driven stewardship of historic resources in Tribal, state, and local communities.

I’ll also add to what others have already said and address your second question further. Battlefield preservation can find itself opposite wilderness conservation as it seeks to preserve a cultural landscape in spite of nature. It can also find itself opposite other forms of preservation when it seeks to preserve the battlefield over other history significant to the place. However, the standards, guidelines, and even regulations of the cultural preservation fields provide the framework for identifying what actions should occur amongst competing issues & perspectives. In the United States, you can find the majority of them through the National Park Service.

Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
This is a surprisingly generous assessment with regards to Operation Drumbeat in a Royal Navy focused book.

“British Naval Intelligence through the Twentieth Century" by Andrew Boyd posted:

Successive OIC assessments, drawing on the final weeks of Dolphin coverage from mid December, revealed the U-boat redeployment to the western Atlantic, but the OIC underestimated its scale, ambition and duration.⁶ As the full scope of the Drumbeat campaign became evident, and losses mounted, it posed political, operational and intelligence challenges, which the British struggled to manage. The British were bearing the brunt of the losses, but they were taking place in waters under US Navy control. Inevitably, British naval leaders, with encouragement from Churchill, were inclined to blame the US Navy for not implementing a British-style OIC model for managing the U-boat threat, for failure to introduce convoying and ineffective aerial surveillance, partly reflecting poor cooperation with the US Army Air Forces, with no U-boat sunk by air attack off the American coast until 7 July. It was also easy to blame persistence of peacetime attitudes, such as continued peacetime lighting helpfully illuminating targets against the shoreline. However, the British underestimated the sheer size of the area the Americans had to defend, showed scant understanding of the resource constraints facing the US Navy in a two-ocean war, with major risks facing them in the Pacific, and conveniently ignored other demands facing the American naval forces in the Atlantic theatre, which were a high priority for both countries – above all, safe transport of American troops and equipment to Britain during this period, an objective achieved without loss. Most important of all, the British overlooked that they were neither contributing useful intelligence on Drumbeat, nor explaining why they could not do so.⁷ They would have had further cause for humility had they known that by March, the Germans enjoyed almost complete mastery of British Naval Cipher No 3 used for Anglo-American communications. This carried most traffic related to Atlantic convoying, and also shared OIC U-boat disposition signals. The compromise probably had limited impact on Drumbeat itself, with its focus on independent shipping, but it was an important influence on the renewed offensive against mid-Atlantic convoys from the middle of the year. With only occasional gaps, BDienst retained current readability of around 80 per cent of traffic on this net until May 1943.⁸

Has anyone noticed any other sea change in the historiography for Operation Drumbeat?

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Urcinius
Mar 27, 2010

Chapter Master of the
Woobie Marines
Does anybody have a good source for WW2 plane takeoff characteristics in 30kt wind in various load conditions? I’ve found data for 25kt wind, but the 30kt wind take off distances that I have found have been occasional mentions in correspondence. I’d love 30kt data for the F4F-4, FM-2, F6F-3 or -5, F4U, F8F-1, SBD-3, SB2C, TBF-1, F7F-1, and PBJ.

For example, pencil notation on a BuAer routing slip pegs the F4F-4 as having a 210’ takeoff run in 30kt wind when loaded to 8000lbs. The aircraft characteristics card pegs it in 25kt wind as 278’ for 7975lbs and 390’ for 8762lbs.

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