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Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Kurzon posted:

I had a conversation with a friend who asked me why autocratic countries like Saudi Arabia and Pakistan tend to be socially conservative. I gave him my answer, but since I am not a political science major, I'd like you guys to critique my hypothesis.

When someone says the word "dictatorship", most people think "rule by one man", but really dictatorships are minority rule. In a dictatorship, the leader only requires the support of a narrow sliver of the population in order to stay in power. It's always nice to have more, but he only REQUIRES a small fraction. By contrast, in democracies, a leader needs the support of a much broader section of the population. Democracies are majority rule, dictatorships are minority rule.

In general, for a dictator, the best minority to appeal to for support is what psychologists call "right-wing authoritarians". Right-wing authoritarians make up between a fifth and a third of the population, depending on how you count; either way, they're a minority, and they're the easiest minority to secure. Right-wing authoritarians, by definition, are people who are submissive to their leaders and highly conformist. Right-wing authoritarians readily give their unquestioning loyalty to their leader provided that leader appeals to their base values. Look up the literature of Bob Altemeyer if you want to know more.

And what is it that right-wing authoritarians fundamentally want? Right-wing authoritarians dislike diversity. They like a society where everybody is the same and interactions with outsiders are minimal. Right-wing authoritarians tend to dislike uncertainty. They also like hierarchy; they like to be the dominant group in society, and they don't much care for egalitarianism. And they tend to be highly fearful of threats caused by people, such as terrorists, criminals, and enemy nations. So a politician can appeal to right-wing authoritarians by opposing immigration, feminism, secularism, and so forth (any that promotes equality and diversity, basically).

Once a politician has their loyalty, that loyalty is very secure. Right-wing authoritarians are very forgiving of corruption, brutality, and other forms of misconduct in their leaders, so long as said leaders keep saying the things they want to hear. Whatever proof you offer of their leader's bad deeds, they will deny, downplay or justify them. The old Roman saying was "Caesar can do no wrong". That means that dictators can use foul tactics to oppress the rest of society, the fraction of society that isn't right-wing authoritarian. He can engage in corruption. Right-wing authoritarians will tell you that they hate corruption, but in practice they don't care if it's their guy doing it. He can curb civil liberties, because right-wing authoritarians tend to not appreciate liberty especially when it's not their own liberties. He can use brutality on political opponents; his RWA supporters will either deny it or justify it, especially if he is exerting brutality on groups that they hate.

So this is an efficient strategy for politicians in autocratic regimes: appeal to the right-wing authoritarian minority and use oppression on everybody else. It doesn't work so well in a democracy because a democratic politican needs a much broader support base to stay in power and there just aren't enough right-wing authoritarians to build a viable coalition. Remember, RWAs make up only a fifth to a third of society, depending on how you count. A democratic leader thus needs to satisfy the desires of the non-authoritarian members of society; the liberals, in other words. And what do liberals tend to want? They want more liberty. They are less tolerant of cruel behavior. They want more equality. They want more honesty and accountability. They want more tolerance. And a democratic leader must give them that.

Giving consideration to liberal demands will, of course, irritate right-wing authoritarian voters, and there is always this struggle in any democracy. Generally, the healthier the democracy, the more influence that liberals have in society. In flawed democracies such as America and Turkey, liberals have more influence than they do in countries like Saudi Arabia but less than in countries like Denmark and Canada.

What do you think of my hypothesis?

I think this hypothesis is missing some crucial factors: it ignores preexisting power relationships and inequities in society, and it assumes that the necessary amount of support for a dictatorship is based on how many people support it, rather than who those people are or what positions in society they hold. Basically, I get the sense you're imagining the rise of authoritarianism on a blank slate, rather than considering how it fits into already-existing society. I don't think it makes sense to discuss authoritarianism's relationship with social conservatism without examining the nature of social conservatism itself, or with how dictatorships actually rise in practice. Otherwise, it feels like you're working backwards from an end result without really considering how that result came about in the first place.

What matters isn't just how many supporters a dictatorship has, but also those supporters' relationship to either the military or to traditional social/cultural power structures. And it shouldn't be any surprise that traditional power structures are often conservative by nature, since major elements of conservatism include upholding the cultural traditions and values that those power structures support, as well as opposing social changes that might threaten the status of those power structures. In fact, those cultural traditions and values have often been crafted and spread by those power structures for the express purpose of priming the population to view those power structures as important and necessary. Which is why it's no surprise that both the military and most long-lived social power structures tend to place a fair amount of value on hierarchy and obedience. When those traditional structures find their influence and their follower base shrinking, authoritarianism is an attractive way to prevent an otherwise-inevitable decline in power, or to restore power that's already been lost.

Even in cases where a dictator wasn't socially conservative, it's always wise to look at their sources of power first, how they rose to power and how they maintain it. For example, the Shah of Iran attempted a number of socially progressive reforms, but his relationship with the military and traditional Iranian power-holders wasn't especially strong to begin with; he thought that Westernizing Iran would appeal to the American and British authorities who had installed him on the throne and made him a dictator, and he hoped that it would build support among the general populace as a hedge against betrayal by his foreign backers or rebellion by influential domestic figures. In the end, his reforms were poorly executed, and that combined with his increasingly paranoid and repressive style of governing led to an Islamist-led revolution advocating the restoration of conservative values and the rollback of the secularism he'd enforced.

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