Register a SA Forums Account here!
JOINING THE SA FORUMS WILL REMOVE THIS BIG AD, THE ANNOYING UNDERLINED ADS, AND STUPID INTERSTITIAL ADS!!!

You can: log in, read the tech support FAQ, or request your lost password. This dumb message (and those ads) will appear on every screen until you register! Get rid of this crap by registering your own SA Forums Account and joining roughly 150,000 Goons, for the one-time price of $9.95! We charge money because it costs us money per month for bills, and since we don't believe in showing ads to our users, we try to make the money back through forum registrations.
 
  • Post
  • Reply
mediaphage
Mar 22, 2007

Excuse me, pardon me, sheer perfection coming through

Postess with the Mostest posted:

PCs are worse people. Liberals do more damage. When PCs do bad things, there's a real vocal opposition to it. When Liberals do it, they get away with it because PCs are worse and we don't want to help them. Liberals are just fauke enough to be able to explain away building a pipeline by "balancing the environment and the economy" and making a good show of doing carbon taxes but not applying them to the dirtiest corporations. They do superficially good things to buy license for the bad things. The PCs have to limit the bad things.


Yes that’s basically my point; I didn’t critique the ideology in either direction.

Adbot
ADBOT LOVES YOU

Jordan7hm
Feb 17, 2011




Lipstick Apathy

mediaphage posted:

Depends on whether you think damages wrought by a PC government are lesser or greater than those that would happen under a Liberal government. I’m not being snide, because as far as I can see this is the question this election.

There is a non-zero number of people (I’d wager represented to a greater extent on this board) who see propping up Liberals as maintaining the status quo and thus more damaging on a long term basis to Canadian society vs whatever short-term policies the PCs can enact before the Canadian specific hate capacity rises sufficiently high to trigger a political turnover (which, like in lakes, inevitably releases a cloud of suffocating gas).

lol. Good luck with that one.

BGrifter
Mar 16, 2007

Winner of Something Awful PS5 thread's Posting Excellence Award June 2022

Congratulations!

Jordan7hm posted:

lol. Good luck with that one.

It happens like clockwork. Cons take power, act like raging assholes, tick off enough people in Ontario, Libs replace them.

Libs campaign on a left-sounding agenda, govern from the right, mix a few showy but ineffectual progressive policies in with right-wing governance, eventually corruption gets so blatant that the Cons replace them.

Over and over again till the species goes extinct.

mediaphage
Mar 22, 2007

Excuse me, pardon me, sheer perfection coming through

Jordan7hm posted:

lol. Good luck with that one.

No clue what you mean unless you’re reading way too much into what I mean by turnover. In lakes, turnover can happen cyclically as a result of seasonal change in how layers are stratified. It’s a natural cycle that sometimes chokes people, that’s all.

I’m hardly advocating for revolution

BGrifter posted:

It happens like clockwork. Cons take power, act like raging assholes, tick off enough people in Ontario, Libs replace them.

Libs campaign on a left-sounding agenda, govern from the right, mix a few showy but ineffectual progressive policies in with right-wing governance, eventually corruption gets so blatant that the Cons replace them.

Over and over again till the species goes extinct.

Bingo.

vyelkin
Jan 2, 2011
The best thing about the Liberals losing this election would be that they already have their ready-made explanation for it: Trudeau did blackface and that turned away the electorate. It wasn't our lying and breaking key campaign promises, it wasn't our horrible governance, it wasn't our progressive lip-service on top of right-wing policies, it wasn't our scandals. No, we can keep doing all that stuff as long as we do it with a leader who wasn't exposed as doing blackface like two days after the writ dropped. It preemptively reminds me a lot of American Democrats after Hillary lost, and they refused to accept that she was an awful candidate with an awful record who ran an awful campaign, no it was all Russia's fault.

prom candy
Dec 16, 2005

Only I may dance
What will be really great is if the Liberals lose the election but with numbers that would've won it for them under PR or STV.

Oxyclean
Sep 23, 2007


prom candy posted:

What will be really great is if the Liberals lose the election but with numbers that would've won it for them under PR or STV.

I mean, in a poetic sense, yeah.

Not in any other because it's not like it'd actually get them to go through with electoral reform in the future.

Pinterest Mom
Jun 9, 2009

https://twitter.com/paulvieira/status/1176138263872069632

AaaaaaAaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa

RBC
Nov 23, 2007

IM STILL SPENDING MONEY FROM 1888

prom candy posted:

What will be really great is if the Liberals lose the election but with numbers that would've won it for them under PR or STV.

yeah this is what i wish for most of all

Jordan7hm
Feb 17, 2011




Lipstick Apathy
I assumed you meant a more radical change, which I think is extremely unlikely.

Baronjutter
Dec 31, 2007

"Tiny Trains"

Guess I should have bought a house as I'd become the right class to be pampered by the incoming con mega-majority.

mediaphage
Mar 22, 2007

Excuse me, pardon me, sheer perfection coming through

Baronjutter posted:

Guess I should have bought a house

No don't it's a trap

BGrifter
Mar 16, 2007

Winner of Something Awful PS5 thread's Posting Excellence Award June 2022

Congratulations!

mediaphage posted:

No don't it's a trap

So is renting a modest one bedroom apartment for $1350 a month. :sigh:

Our housing situation is beyond hosed and the party likely to form government is planning to dump gasoline over everything and flick matches at the pile.

DariusLikewise
Oct 4, 2008

You wore that on Halloween?
How about people vote for the party/candidate they agree with the most and stop spreading the doom and gloom of the future of this country by telling people it will rain death if they cast a vote for anyone but the Liberals.

Arc Hammer
Mar 4, 2013

Got any deathsticks?
Is there a strategic voting option in Renfrew Nippissing Pembroke I can use to tell Cheryl Gallant to eat poo poo that doesn't involve ramming the government office in Pembroke with a truck full of explosives?

Baronjutter
Dec 31, 2007

"Tiny Trains"

I understand people thinking about strategic voting if their riding is actually down to just the cons and libs with everyone else not standing a remote chance. What I don't understand are people in areas where the contest is between Lib and NDP thinking "I better vote liberal because of the conservatives". If you don't like the conservatives, vote anyone but them???

mediaphage
Mar 22, 2007

Excuse me, pardon me, sheer perfection coming through

BGrifter posted:

So is renting a modest one bedroom apartment for $1350 a month. :sigh:

Our housing situation is beyond hosed and the party likely to form government is planning to dump gasoline over everything and flick matches at the pile.

Yeah, I'm just still salty over having to get all the gutters / soffits / downspouts replaced at an eye-watering figure.

CRISPYBABY
Dec 15, 2007

by Reene
I've been investigating a career change into throwing rocks at landlords and property speculators.

mediaphage
Mar 22, 2007

Excuse me, pardon me, sheer perfection coming through

CRISPYBABY posted:

I've been investigating a career change into throwing rocks at landlords and property speculators.

This one lady who complains about our neighbourhood going down (where I live, and where she used to live, but left to go buy a second house in a different neighbourhood while renting out the one in my neighbourhood), and it never makes me identify with that statement more.

And for the record, our neighbourhood is kind of amazing, which just makes me angrier when I see her complain. No surprise she constantly spouts PC talking points.

terrorist ambulance
Nov 5, 2009

Conservatives are just straight black pilled now and I'm kind of here for it honestly. Pump up the real estate bubble, dig up every last bit of oil and gas, just stomp on the loving accelerator and drive straight towards the cliff. Doubling down on every stupid position as though it's a virtue

Accelerationism to own the libs

Pinterest Mom
Jun 9, 2009

https://twitter.com/OttawaReporter/status/1176155464284946432

Hell yeah a down payment on “critical next steps”

flakeloaf
Feb 26, 2003

Still better than android clock

Like a consultation

With the Pharma company closest to the Irvings or something

vyelkin
Jan 2, 2011
can't wait for our 2021 major liberal policy announcement, a "what style of pharmacare are you" survey

vincentpricesboner
Sep 3, 2006

by LITERALLY AN ADMIN

EvilJoven posted:

Lmao at all the posts talking about strategic voting for the very loving party that said we wouldn't have to deal with this anymore, or the loving Greens, who are literally scared of wifi and think we can save the world by free marketing a Prius into everyone's driveway (and gently caress you if of you can't afford a Prius or a driveway).

i agree its much better to stand by our convictions and let sheer run the country

DariusLikewise
Oct 4, 2008

You wore that on Halloween?

Pinterest Mom posted:

https://twitter.com/OttawaReporter/status/1176155464284946432

Hell yeah a down payment on “critical next steps”

They've literally been saying this for 3 loving years. Half the provinces have working Pharmacare already, why wouldn't you just put money into expanding those programs and making them universal?

Toalpaz
Mar 20, 2012

Peace through overwhelming determination

zapplez posted:

i agree its much better to stand by our convictions and let sheer run the country

Is trudeau that much better? Just look at postess.....

Postess with the Mostest
Apr 4, 2007

Arabian nights
'neath Arabian moons
A fool off his guard
could fall and fall hard
out there on the dunes
Trudeau is a million times better. Conservatives let their social ideology guide them places that are not ideal for the doers of this country. The Liberals are capitalism loving patriots and will do whatever it takes to keep this economy going including setting their sails in the direction of the prevailing social winds. Harnessing that bountiful wind energy, the can direct it into useful tasks like increasing natural resource output or keeping snc lavalin afloat. Ignore the leaders, look at like Cheryl Gallant and Bill Morneau. Both terrible people but one of them is a terrible person who can roll up his cufflinks and gets poo poo done. We are focused too much on this election, we should be just focusing on a way to keep the conservatives out and the liberals in that is much more permanent.

Wendell
May 11, 2003

Good poo poo, sign me up

https://twitter.com/jptasker/status/1176137138510925824?s=21

terrorist ambulance
Nov 5, 2009

Postess with the Mostest posted:

Trudeau is a million times better. Conservatives let their social ideology guide them places that are not ideal for the doers of this country. The Liberals are capitalism loving patriots and will do whatever it takes to keep this economy going including setting their sails in the direction of the prevailing social winds. Harnessing that bountiful wind energy, the can direct it into useful tasks like increasing natural resource output or keeping snc lavalin afloat. Ignore the leaders, look at like Cheryl Gallant and Bill Morneau. Both terrible people but one of them is a terrible person who can roll up his cufflinks and gets poo poo done. We are focused too much on this election, we should be just focusing on a way to keep the conservatives out and the liberals in that is much more permanent.

As if "prevailing social winds" is some fixed thing that automatically trends to the good. Let the real estate bubble burst and unemployment hit 20%, I think you'll find that prevailing social winds in that economy is the "average" Canadian hanging refugees on the street.

That's what's coming, and bullshit milquetoast technocrat centrism will not save us from it

terrorist ambulance
Nov 5, 2009

The average canadians I'm referring to live in the houses pictured behind him. Or more accurately, think they'll live there in 5-10 years but never will

Holding a presser on an abandoned featureless nameless loving suburban street. You honestly couldn't pick a more visually representative spot for what he has to offer

PittTheElder
Feb 13, 2012

:geno: Yes, it's like a lava lamp.

PT6A posted:

Should I vote strategically for a Liberal MP based on the fact Scheer is a gently caress and I hate him most of all, or should I just throw my vote away this election?

On some level I want to do what I can to prevent the Cons from getting power, but I’d also be very disappointed if the Libs maintained power at this point. The NDP seems to be a nonentity in my riding — not so much as a candidate bio or photo on the website — and just lol at the idea of voting for the greens.

God our options are just putrid this time round.

The Cons are going to sweep every riding in Calgary, it makes no difference.

RBC
Nov 23, 2007

IM STILL SPENDING MONEY FROM 1888

We hope that one day you too may be able to own an obnoxious mcmansion for which you pay 60% of your income.

vyelkin
Jan 2, 2011
oh good i cant wait to buy a home with a mortgage that won't be fully paid off until after im dead

Vintersorg
Mar 3, 2004

President of
the Brendan Fraser
Fan Club



Would no stress test lead to what made the US real estate market collapse?

Pinterest Mom
Jun 9, 2009

The French on that lectern is making the entire thing look lopsided, it's gross.

Vintersorg posted:

Would no stress test lead to what made the US real estate market collapse?
They want to remove on renewals and "ease" on new mortgages, so sure, it could lead to more people getting riskier mortgages that they might not be able to afford in a crisis

flakeloaf
Feb 26, 2003

Still better than android clock

Vintersorg posted:

Would no stress test lead to what made the US real estate market collapse?

No that happens once the conservative government " repeals the stifling government overregulation that oppressed Canadians and keep us from getting ahead"

Postess with the Mostest
Apr 4, 2007

Arabian nights
'neath Arabian moons
A fool off his guard
could fall and fall hard
out there on the dunes

Vintersorg posted:

Would no stress test lead to what made the US real estate market collapse?

No. Canada's only had one since Jan 2018.

Helsing
Aug 23, 2003

DON'T POST IN THE ELECTION THREAD UNLESS YOU :love::love::love: JOE BIDEN
Apologies for another of these long and who-actually-asked-for-this?!? style posts but because I have spent so much time attacking the NDP I think it is important that I clarify that I do not think the disappearance of the NDP would automatically produce a better alternative. While I do believe that the NDP blocks the possibility of a more leftist party emerging I really want to emphasize that just because the NDP is occupying the space where a leftist party might appear does not in any sense entail that removing the NDP would therefore automatically bring such a party into being.

I think the larger issue is that we're too focused on Parliament in general. I've brought up the need for stronger organizational capacity in the past but in order to substantiate that I am going to post a few excerpts from an interesting monograph that examined the comparative successes and failures of two activist organizations, one in France, the other in Germany.

I'll preface this by pointing out that there is a substantial and helpful literature on what causes new social movements to emerge and what factors can predict their relative success or failure. In what follows we'll see some examples of how this question is modeled. As with many realms of social science you get the familiar breakdown of macro and micro factors. As a general rule micro analysis focuses on the behaviour of individual agents and how they interact with each other (i.e. how does a firm decide whether to hire more workers or invest in more production). Macro analysis concerns systemic interdependence (i.e., how does the aggregated buying and selling of all the firms in the marketplace create systemic patterns that translate into things like booms and busts). There is a less common but important in-between level of analysis, the meso, which focuses on specific community or organization within a larger system (i.e. the dynamics and decision making within a specific firm; if micro looks at individual decisions and macro at larger scale interactions then the meso is the intermediate layer in which these two forces meet and are expressed via some specific institutional configuration, like a specific workplace or union or organization).

We tend toward macro analysis in this thread. We see the overall state of the country and how hosed up our politics are and think of what macro factors have caused this to happen. As it happens this is paralleled in the dominant literature on social movements. They too have various macro oriented models that try to explain when, how and why people choose to get involved in a social movement.

On the off chance this is compelling enough to anyone that they want to check out the full book for themselves you can access it here.

At the core of this literature is the idea of a "Social Movement Organization" (SMO),

Daniel Stockemer, The Micro and Meso Levels of Activism: A Comparative Case Study of Attac France and Attac Germany, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, p. 1-3 posted:

The Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, anti-nuclear protests, and the pro-peace mobilization of the 1980s, as well as gay and lesbian activism of the 1990s and 2000s, are examples where common people opted for engagement that goes beyond the process of ordinary politics (Morse, 1993). They displayed a deeper commitment to a political goal – political motivation that cannot be measured simply by casting a vote for a party (Mouriaux, 1983, p. 53). Citizen engagement has taken shape in the form of social movements, as defined by Sidney Tarrow. He understands social movements in the classical sense as “collective challenges by people with common purposes and solidarity in a sustained interaction with elites, opponents and authorities” (Tarrow, 1998, p. 3). Collective action defined in this way not only takes many forms, brief or sustained, institutionalized or disruptive, humdrum or dramatic,
but also occurs within institutions on the part of constituted groups, which fight for clearly defined goals. These constituted groups are social movement organizations (SMOs),1 which are the meat and backbone of all social movements (Mayer and Ash, 1996). They attract and recruit people who want to fight for a cause via unconventional means; they are responsible for the organization and coordination of most unconventional political activities; and they provide the financial resources necessary to stage events and to train participants in creative forms of action (Rucht, 1999, p. 207).


Despite the fact that social movements cannot exist without SMOs, scholars, interested in collective action and protest, have mostly studied the former. Most studies have focused on the Civil Rights Movement or the alter-globalization movement (Della Porta, 2007c; McAdam, 1984; Tarrow, 1998; Tilly and Tarrow, 2007) employing macro-level theories, such as the political process model, the resource mobilization theory, and the relative deprivation approach. These theories help us to explain many facets of movement behavior. For example, owing to the relative deprivation approach, we know that the presence of aggrieved or frustrated people is a necessary societal precondition for the emergence of protest structures (Gurr, 1970). On account of the resource mobilization theory, we recognize that movement entrepreneurs must have the necessary financial and personal resources to organize daily movement activities and to stage large-scale protest events (McCarthy and Mayer, 1973). Finally, the political process model and, in particular, the opportunity structure framework posit that changes in the environment of a movement (e.g., splits in elites or the emergence of a large sponsor) can provide (temporary) opportunities for mobilization (Suh, 2001).
The opening or closing of these opportunities can explain the timing of the onset of large-scale protest activities, as well as the trajectory of protest cycles (McAdam, 1984). More broadly, structural theories have been extremely helpful in accounting for how movements behave, what strategies they employ, what repertoires of action they use, and how the relationship between the state and the movement (e.g., the degree of oppression) influences the movement’s success (McAdam, 1982, 1988, 1992; McAdam, Mayer, and McCarty, 1996; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, 1997; Tilly, 2004).

However, these same macro-level theories are often too reductionist to account for the circumstances under which some people opt to participate in unconventional forms of political action in a sustained way, while others refrain from doing so. In fact, unless all individuals, who are in an identical or similar structural position, display comparable behavioral patterns, a shared position in society can never provide a thorough explanation of individual behavior. Even if people behave similarly, the accompanying motives and motivations can still be different (van Stekelenburg and Klandermans, 2007). Rather than hinging merely on structure, the size of an SMO as well as the level of engagement of single activists frequently depend on the internal group dynamics of an organization. More so than any structural features, an individual’s decision to be and remain active in a civil society organization largely depends on how well a group manages to fulfill the activists’ demands for action, which tend to largely revolve around three pillars: (1) a desire to change concrete political opportunities around them; (2) a need to act according to their beliefs and values; and (3) an urge to find likeminded people with whom they can have fun and share their free time.

The three dominant ways of interpreting social movement formation reference above are. These explanations are not mutually exclusive and can be viewed as complementary. On the other hand, they are all pitched primarily at a macro-level of analysis, which is to say they don't offer very good explanations for why some groups succeed and others fail under more or less the same conditions. Such an explanation requires a more nuanced micro and meso level explanation.

The three broad approaches for explaining the appearance and success of social movements is:

1. relative deprivation theory
2. resource mobilization theory
3. opportunity structure theory

To briefly cover each of them:

Relative Deprivation Theory

Stockemer, p. 14-15 posted:

Over the past 50 years, grievance or relative deprivation theories have been the dominant, classical explanation for why some people have engaged in contentious political activities while others have not (Geschwender and Geschwender, 1973). Grievance theorists (Forger, 1986; Runciman, 1966) see feelings of relative deprivation, which result from perceived discrepancies between peoples’ value expectations and their value capabilities, as the root cause for unconventional political action (Klandermans et al., 2001).1 The underlying assumption in this approach is that citizens do not normally protest when they are satisfied with their daily lives. Rather, people are more inclined to engage in collective action when facing dire economic, social, or political conditions, whether real or perceived (e.g., Choi, 1999; Seidman, 1994). As Klandermans (1997) puts it, a demand for change often begins with dissatisfaction, be it in the experience of illegitimate inequality, perceptions of a loss of integration in society, feelings of injustice and moral indignation about some state of affairs, or a sudden imposed grievance (see also Abeles, 1976).

Stockemer, p. 15 posted:

To explain changes in sources of frustrations in industrialized countries, new social movement scholars (Melucci, 1989, 1998; Touraine, 1981, 1988) claim that the type of society may predispose people to certain grievances and demands. For example, Touraine (1985, p. 774–781) argues that industrialized societies were prone to class struggles as well as to struggles for political and civil rights. However, as Melucci (1998, p. 13) contends, the era of industrial conflict ended in the 1950s or 1960s. With the fulfillment of material needs and the granting of (basic) political rights, individuals no longer wanted more material goods but were seeking self-realization (Buechler, 1995, 2008). After 1968, other forms of postmaterial values (e.g., peace or the environment) became more central as well.2

Viewed through a relative deprivation lens, these new social movements are “a reaction to some altered societal conditions, an expression of fear and dissatisfaction with environmental destructions and exploitation of natural resources, and a call to reorganize society by granting more rights, freedoms and equality to formerly frowned upon groups” (Fuchs, 2006, p. 113). In this sense, the ecological movement is a response to environmental degradation; the gay, lesbian, and transgendered movements are a reaction to the societal discrimination against homosexuals; the youth movement is a response to a lack of perspective for the younger cohorts of the population; and the global justice or alter-globalization movement is a reaction to the global and local problems of poverty, the lack of political participation in national and global decision making, and the negative consequences of the neoliberal world order (Fuchs, 2003).

While this is an intuitively appealing theory it runs aground on the fact that "most of the time, most aggrieved people who are not represented neither mobilize nor form any movement structure" because "whether those aggrieved and inadequately represented create SMOs within the civil soceity subsystem of the political system seems to depend on other conditions, such as a subset of aggrieved individuals with resources, who are able to build an organization, and the opening up of political opportunities that allow these aggrieved individuals with resources to act." (Stockemer, p. 17). That naturally leads us to the second theory:

Resource Mobilization Theory

Stockemer, p. 17-18 posted:

Only small subsets of aggrieved individuals can initiate SMOs. The resource mobilization approach alerts us to four necessary personal conditions, which aggrieved people must fulfill in order to create an SMO. These factors are financial and personal resources, time, energy, and experience (Edwards and McCarthy, 2004). First, a start-up of an SMO requires monetary funds. Most small and local start-ups require moderate amounts of capital, which can often be provided by initiators and their friends. However, larger SMOs often need outside funding. This funding can come from foundations, existing SMOs, interest groups, parties, or wealthy individuals (Walker, 1991).

Second, people must have personal resources in the form of civic skills and connections. Peoples’ networks help initiators of SMOs to gauge whether the climate for the creation of a new structure is right and, even more importantly, they help them identify potential followers. The initiators’ civic skills are essential to procure financial contributions and to persuade potential recruits to join a newly emerging group (Pattie, Seyd, and Whittely, 2003). Finally, education and negotiating skills help those in charge of setting up a social group to mediate among conflicting interests and personalities. After all, a majority or, better, all of the founding members of an SMO must agree on common structures, goals, and membership rules. In short, they must draft a constitution to gain recognition as a civil society organization (Mc Carthy, 1996).

Third, movement initiators must be willing to dedicate time and energy toward a cause or set goal. The devotion of time and energy is required for promoting the organization and for attracting members. In addition, experience in the non-governmental sector can be another asset that movement initiators can bring to the table. Individuals who engage in the creation of a new SMO ideally have experience in previous campaigns or protests. These leadership skills will enable group initiators to set goals realistically, to adopt powerful and acceptable organizational structures, and to learn from mistakes of previous organizations and campaigns. In many cases, the willingness and energy of aggrieved people with resources to build an SMO simmer until they see a propitious environment to do so. In the literature, beneficial societal conditions for
the creation of SMOs are often referred to as “opportunity structures”
(Kitschelt, 1986; Tarrow, 1994).

Opportunity Structure Theory

Stockemer, p. 18 posted:

The opportunity structure theorem purports that the likelihood of aggrieved people with resources to launch an SMO rises and falls with perceptions of successful mobilization. In this sense, political opportunity structures (POSs) refer to constraints, possibilities, and threats that originate inside or outside the mobilizing group and affect its chances of mobilizing. Structural characteristics of political systems, the behavior of allies, adversaries, and the public; societal tendencies, economic structures, and developments – all these factors can be sources of mobilizational opportunities (McAdam, 1982; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, 2001; Tarrow, 1989a, 1989b, 1991; Tilly, 1978, 2005.) For example, the ability to appeal to a wide variety of interests, the emergence of a sponsor, or the possibility to push through a policy demand might entice possible initiators to spend both time and energy to launch an SMO

Bringing that together we get the following synopsis for how SMOs come into existence and then succeed or fail:

Stockemer, p. 19-21 posted:

Three factors account for the development of protest structures within civil society. These are (1) the existence of grievances in society; (2) the
presence of people with the resources, who are willing and capable to act upon them; and (3) a beneficial opportunity to do so. These three conditions can largely explain why and when people join forces to form an SMO. Yet, in some instances, other factors might come into play. I do not claim that any of the aforementioned factors is more important than
another. Yet, I do contend that the presence of aggrieved individuals, who have the resources and perceive the opportunities to launch an SMO, is a sufficient cause for the emergence of an SMO.8

In Figure 2 I seek to sketch out the above-mentioned rationale. For the sake of parsimony, I combine the first and second necessary conditions for the emergence of a social movement – the presence of aggrieved individuals as well as the existence of resources – under the term “movement entrepreneur.” I reason that only aggrieved individuals who have the time, energy, experience, and personal resources are positioned



to potentially launch an organization. In most, if not all, circumstances, movement entrepreneurs only feel empowered enough to act when they have perceived or recognized an opportunity. Consequently, this theoretical framework predicts that the existence of movement entrepreneurs and the presence of a favorable environment are critical
to the emergence of SMOs (see also McAdam, 1982, Chapter 3).

While the combination of the three approaches (the relative deprivation approach, the resource mobilization framework, and the opportunity structure framework) provides a sufficient explanation for the creation of SMOs, these same structural explanations can also shape the future trajectory of an SMO. There are mainly three ways in which the structural environment can co-determine the fate of an existing association. First, changes in the degree to which individuals perceive some grievances or feelings of frustration can alter their motivations and impact their willingness to engage in unconventional political activities and forms of protest (Opp, 2000). Second, an increase or decrease in an organization’s human and financial resources can impact the mobilizational potential of the group, especially its capacity to recruit and retain members. Third, changes in the environment in which a group operates will continue to impact its potential to stage events and impact policy. However, despite the continued salience of these three macro-level approaches, the success or lack of thereof in membership or in political clout of an association often does not hinge upon the three structural conditions outlined above.

Frequently, the success of a group relies on agency or human interactions between the leadership and the rank and file of a group. More precisely, it depends on how well an organization manages to respond to prospective and current activists’ demands for action. For example, throughout the existence of a civil society organization, it is important that both the entrepreneurs and the (potential) recruits agree on the goals, structure, and leadership of the newly emerging group. There are multiple scenarios for dissent both within the elites or regular members, and between the two groups. For example, all actors might agree about the source of frustration but they might disagree on what solutions to advocate, what actions to pursue, or what internal structure to adopt. Such disagreements may hamstring, slow down, or stop a campaign pursued by an SMO. They can also impact an organization’s membership and political clout. For example, internal rifts, strategic mistakes by the leadership, or changes in an organization’s ideological position can entice activists to either quit or decrease their engagement. In contrast, a sense of a common mission among all actors involved should increase the overall morale as well as the motivation, thereby improving the chances of successful campaigns (Eyerman, 1989).

To explain the conditions under which this reciprocal relationship between movement entrepreneurs and potential activists can evolve requires a discussion of the literature in social psychology – a literature that attempts to unscramble the interaction between the activists’ demands for action and an SMO’s effort to reply to these demands. Drawing on the relationship between demand and supply, I build on the work of Klandermans and others (e.g., Klandermans, 1984, 1986, 1997, 2003, 2004; Loch, 2001). Borrowing from the economics literature, Klandermans and others compare the relationship between the entrepreneurs of a social group and the grassroots members to that of firms and consumers in the free market economy. Accordingly, demand refers to the potential of people to become activists and supply refers to the entrepreneurs’ or leaders’ capability to address these demands. As in a market economy, demand and supply do not automatically come together. Rather, entrepreneurs and potential activists have to establish some common ground concerning the goals, strategies, rituals, and leadership of the group. The existence of unity between all actors involved will then help determine the success of the organization, provided that the structural conditions remain beneficial. In the theoretical discussion that follows, I first present the demand and supply nucleus in more detail. In a second step, I highlight possible interactions between demand and supply factors for involvement.

So to briefly sum all this up: there are multiple factors that need to be present for a successful social movement to launch itself and have any reasonable expectations of success. There has to be a set of identifiable grievances that can be targeted, there needs to be a critical mass of individuals with the necessary resources (monetary, social, personal) to launch a new organization. In situations where you have a large population of aggrieved individuals, a group of political entrepreneurs ready to capitalize on those grievances, and a plausible looking plan for putting this into action then you can get the emergence of a new social movement organization. While these SMOs are not sufficient for enacting policy change they are necessary for it. So while they're not a panacea for all that ails us they are a crucial part of the puzzle if you're someone who is confused about why Canadian neoliberalism is such a monolithic political tendency in Canada.

Looking forward past the current election I think the trick is to ask about the extent to which these conditions are present in Canada and how they could conceivably be capitalized on. Or alternatively, if the prospects of a new social movement are too grim to be worth bothering oneself about then what is the most useful investment of time and resources you can make in Canadian context. I don't claim to have ready answers for these questions.

If there's sufficient interest I might revisit this later and discuss the next section of the monograph I'm quoting from, which sketches out a basic supply and demand model of social change and also describes the three central axes around which organizing takes place: instrumentality (the belief that one can actually make a meaningful difference by getting involved), identity (feeling kinship with the group) and ideology (the structure of values and beliefs in a person's mind that transcend specific situations and provide the basis for large scale evaluation of behaviour and events).

McGavin
Sep 18, 2012

So, in a nutshell, the problem with leftist politics in Canada is that the aggrieved individuals don't have resources.

Adbot
ADBOT LOVES YOU

vincentpricesboner
Sep 3, 2006

by LITERALLY AN ADMIN

Toalpaz posted:

Is trudeau that much better? Just look at postess.....

I know the whole "both sides are the worst" is so played out at this point and both of them are just 100% pro big business, but you have to be a loving idiot to not realize the Libs have a much better track record when it comes to social liberty. Whether its gay marriage or bringing up abortion rights or weed or whatever. There is a big difference.

  • 1
  • 2
  • 3
  • 4
  • 5
  • Post
  • Reply