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hobotrashcanfires
Jul 24, 2013

Fritz the Horse posted:


For chrissake: how many genocides do you need to deny for your work to be thrown on the trashheap of history?

If you're a US citizen the historically incredibly recent formation of your entire country relies on pretending one of the worst genocides ever never happened.

But do go off about someone who wrote a book almost half a century ago rather than the entirety of your government and its concurrent actions across the world right now.

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Sekhem
Feb 13, 2009

Slow News Day posted:

(on the basis that any coverage of events by Western media was labeled as genocide, and was therefore propaganda and false)
People have repeatedly argued against the claim you're making here, but you've repeatedly just restated it without actually responding to them. The PM does not imply that propaganda is empirically false. It gives clear examples of instances where reporting is both empirically accurate and propagandistically leveraged. If your understanding of the methodology is accurate, it has no way to explain this.

Fritz the Horse posted:

Bottom line for me: if you claim to be a serious academician on [subject], you aren't allowed to gently caress up publicly, repeatedly, on [subject] and publish books where you deny multiple genocides and blame them on the victims.
I think that's pretty fair, but my contention would be that it isn't actually the same subject being assessed in both cases. Empirical judgements on the existence of mass killings aren't media critique. It doesn't use the same methodology or conceptual models that their media critique does. They're different subjects. If the same methodological mistakes are being made in both cases are identical, I think that actually has to be argued for, because it's not apparent directly in the text itself.

Sekhem fucked around with this message at 16:01 on Jun 26, 2021

joepinetree
Apr 5, 2012
Let me get this straight. The PM model is, simultaneously:
- Unfalsifiable
- Insufficiently tested
- Wrong

all at the same time? How can any coherent conversation come from such utter incoherence? It can't be tested, it should have been tested more, and it has been tested and proven wrong, all at the same time?

But since apparently the goal is to be prescriptive, and since this whole meta discussion has been obviously incoherent, let's get to a concrete example. What is the theory of media, media literacy, or whatever the hell "field" we're talking about here that would have allowed a consumer of media to determine, only with access to contemporaneous media sources, that the majority of media coverage of the lead up to the Iraq war was entirely pushing a false narrative? Forget PM for a minute, forget all this bullshit about falsifiability. After all, if that is what this thread is meant to be, to teach people how to consume the media to learn about "the truth," let's put it to the test. How should a consumer of media have learned, exclusively through information available in said media, that most of the mainstream media coverage was based on either false or misleading information? There must be some very clear prescriptive theory as to how to do that, and do that without appealing to sources outside the media. And it must be fairly specific, too. Because if the answer is just some general "engage in critical thinking" pablum, then all the attempts to gatekeep what is "in the field" will have been clearly done to undermine discussion.

HookedOnChthonics
Dec 5, 2015

Profoundly dull


.

Sekhem
Feb 13, 2009

joepinetree posted:

How should a consumer of media have learned, exclusively through information available in said media, that most of the mainstream media coverage was based on either false or misleading information? There must be some very clear prescriptive theory as to how to do that, and do that without appealing to sources outside the media. And it must be fairly specific, too. Because if the answer is just some general "engage in critical thinking" pablum, then all the attempts to gatekeep what is "in the field" will have been clearly done to undermine discussion.
This is a very clear wording of a point I've been trying to make, thank you. The PM seems to be uniquely being held to a standard which is outside the scope of media analysis as a domain at all, in a way that makes it impossible for it to ever meet, so we can simply dust off our hands of the whole thing and never have to engage with it.

piL
Sep 20, 2007
(__|\\\\)
Taco Defender

Thorn Wishes Talon posted:

To be honest, I don't understand piL's post either. It is a night-and-day difference compared to their earlier post in terms of clarity and conciseness. You could tell me it was written by another poster and I would probably believe you.

What it appears to be is an elaborate attempt to refute a strawman.

Discendo Vox posted:

Since I drafted that post you've expended a whole lot of words to indicate you're not familiar with the distinction between naïve and sophisticated falsifiability.



Oof. Fair criticisms. I will try to be more careful.





I have no desire nor have done the appropriate research to determine whether PM itself has value to the thread. In fact, I entered the thread not knowing about PM and have witnessed 9 pages of discussion which certainly has not convinced me to acquire Chomsky's book, read it, and investigate its usage elsewhere.

I am attempting to refute a single specific but what I believe to be dangerous claim in one of Epinephrine's posts.

Epinephrine posted:

1) Is the model falsifiable?
Yes: continue
No: The model is unfalsifiable and has no value to this thread

It is my stance that that the following idea is harmful to discussion: that only falsifiable models have value to this thread.


The reasons I believe it to be harmful are:
  • Finding falsifiable models is difficult work,
  • I can conceive of characteristics of media that intuitively lead me to consider an item more or less trustworthy than others, for which I am unable to construct a predictive, testable model (much less actually test that model),
  • If the barrier of entry is a model that is falsifiable, we may get lost in academic specificity without being able to make easy, obvious, and beneficial assumptions. We will miss forests for trees.

Maybe I'm reading into that phrase too much. Maybe Epinephrine's intent is not that the model has no value solely because it is unfalsifiable. Maybe they mean that, in this particular case, that it is both unfalsifiable and it has no value to this thread. Or maybe that, based on the useful applications of that particular model it could only bring value if it were falsifiable and, since it isn't, its only applications are invalid. I take no issue with the second or third interpretation.

There would be value in a thread whose line of inquiry is only those demonstrable claims that are part of falsifiable models and therefore predictive models (because to be falsifiable, you must have a hypothesis to test). But then maybe there should be a separate thread where someone can make a claim, unaccompanied from a testable hypothesis requirement. A statement such as,

quote:

"I prefer articles that cite their references. Here's an example of two articles discussing the same topic: one with references and one without. Though it's possible to misconstrue or misuse references. It seems easier to do additional research to test the veracity of a claim when sources are cited. In fact, I make a habit of checking a couple of references of any article I read before sharing it--it's not conclusive, but it keeps me from hate-sharing claims only to find out they were clearly false or made on misinterpretations."
may have value to people discussing how they interact with, critique, and assess media without having been structured as part of a testable framework. Maybe that's too low brow for stickied threads in D&D,


Thorn Wishes Talon posted:

piL seems to have latched on to what Epinephrine said about expecting a good model to help us make inferences about what happened based on what was reported, and the main thrust of their counter-argument, and what their word salad boils down to, is that it is impossible to determine or measure truth. But that is completely irrelevant because we are in fact not talking about epistemology here. We are talking about the reason why models exist at all: to act as frameworks that help us understand the world better, and to explain events as we observe them. Expecting a model to be falsifiable is not the same thing as expecting it to help you discover The Truth. But a good model should absolutely help you understand and make sense of new occurrences.

In philosophy of science, something being falsifiable means that there is a set of logically possible observations that contradict it. So what we mean when we say the Propaganda Model is not falsifiable is this: it passes any and every test thrown at it. This is not because it's an exceptionally strong and robust model, or that we haven't yet made any observations that contradict it (on the contrary!). Rather, it is because it is built out of "catch-all" clauses. For example, one of them states that if any media outlet publishes something that might go against the interest of elites, that just means the elites don't actually care about that topic. Another states that if the media reports something that goes against the interests of the elites on a topic the elites do care about, that just means the outlet (or the author, if it is an editorial) is marginal and lacks influence. The entire thing is catch-all clauses all the way down. As a result, any set of inputs fed into the Propaganda Model result in the exact same output: "Western mainstream media has an imperialistic bias." And if any contradictory examples are thrown at it, such as the BBC article linked earlier, one or more of the catch-all clauses are activated: elites don't actually care about immigration, BBC is mainstream but it's also not American and therefore has more freedom to criticize American immigration policy, etc.

Not "expecting good models help us make inference", but that to be of value to this thread a model must be falsifiable. I can conceive of models with practical or instructional value that are not falsifiable. Perhaps I applied an unnecessary and inaccurate element of practicality to the my assumption of falsifiable--not that there are logically possible observations but feasible observations as well.

Discendo Vox posted:

Per the OP’s introduction, SW is a model of communication; it's a simplified representation that explains one set of relationships by sacrificing detail elsewhere. The example in the OP isn't real and isn't a demonstration of applying the model to media. It's intended to illustrate what the parts of the model are, in the same way that a classroom map of the state won't help you get across town. My principal goal in writing up the model was to provide a functional vocabulary for further discussion. Toward this end, and in keeping with the pluralist approach I describe in the OP, I do my best to be clear about any limitations or simplifications of the materials I provided.

I think it's a good post and not deceptive at all. I think you were successful in describing your limitations and simplifications and are a responsible poster for doing so. My point is only that it is of value to the thread without being constrained to a specific testable hypothesis. I was attempting to use it as evidence contrary to a position that only falsifiable models are valuable.


Discendo Vox posted:

This list is a bit of a mess of prescriptive and descriptive questions ("is this article true?" is an empirical question that, yes, I think we can specifically interrogate).
It's not falsifiable until you define what it means for an article to be true (which you're right, can be done). I believe that defining it in a practical way is more difficult than it first appears. The tools for doing so tend to get far more specific than my functional sieve of bullshit, possibly not bullshit, and probably not bullshit. Once you achieve the require specificity to make a testable hypothesis you're not looking at, "is that article true" but rather "do medium posts published between 20XX and 20YY accurately report the status of event y?" Once you're there, you've asked a different question than, "is that article true?" I also probably would have been safer to have used the example "is this article accurate" than "is this article true?"

Discendo Vox posted:

I provide tools to begin to address some of these questions in the OP material. These tools are useful because they do make causal claims and are based in defined terms or explanations. As Peirce, and Popper, and Shannon, and Weaver will tell you, information is useful to the extent that it can be falsified, to the extent that it is open to error.
Information that can be falsified is useful for specific purposes and specific aims. Information is not useful to all users in all situations simply because it is falsified. Unfalsifiable information, while not as uniformly trustworthy, can also be useful.

Discendo Vox posted:

fake edit:
Since I drafted that post you've expended a whole lot of words to indicate you're not familiar with the distinction between naïve and sophisticated falsifiability. This model example you're presenting is, uh, creative, but has little to do with what's being discussed. We're not trying to solve the problem of induction here, and no one is holding PM to anything like that standard. We also do not have to pretend that all truthfulness is relative to observers in order to make specific observations about the mechanisms of specific media. The PM makes descriptive claims- it just does so poorly, for the reasons articulated many times over. Prescriptive claims have to rely on a factual substrate or, again, if they don't,

Your arguments about why PM is invalid are convincing. I have been convinced. I have been shown convincing reasons to avoid using PM as a lens through which to view the world, though I am rather unfamiliar with it. I have never read or used PM and I currently do not plan to.

Thorn Wishes Talon
Oct 18, 2014

by Fluffdaddy

(and can't post for 8 days!)

joepinetree posted:

Let me get this straight. The PM model is, simultaneously:
- Unfalsifiable
- Insufficiently tested
- Wrong

all at the same time? How can any coherent conversation come from such utter incoherence? It can't be tested, it should have been tested more, and it has been tested and proven wrong, all at the same time?

The conversation is pretty coherent if you actually read what people are posting, but I can sympathize with your confusion since the arguments have become somewhat circular.

Specifically, regarding your bullet points:

- Yes, the assumptions the model makes are unfalsifiable, due to a multitude of escape hatches in the model and other nebulous elements that Discendo Vox described.
- It's not that the model is insufficiently tested, but that it cannot be reasonably tested because it can be used to justify any position.
- It's not that the model is wrong (which doesn't make sense, considering the above) but that it is frequently applied, including by the authors, to reach conclusions that we know are incorrect (e.g. genocide denial). The monstrousness of those conclusions, and the casual attitude with which the authors have reached them, should make anyone extremely skeptical regarding PM.

fool of sound
Oct 10, 2012
I would really like it if people would respond to the criticisms of the model itself as laid about by Discendo Vox instead of continuing to focusing on genocide denial angle. We'll have a much more productive debate if the focus in on the utility or lack thereof of MC, rather than the moral standing of its authors.

Sekhem
Feb 13, 2009

Thorn Wishes Talon posted:

- Yes, the assumptions the model makes are unfalsifiable, due to a multitude of escape hatches in the model and other nebulous elements that Discendo Vox described.
- It's not that the model is insufficiently tested, but that it cannot be reasonably tested because it can be used to justify any position.
You've been consistently just repeating these points without responding to any of the objections against them. What strikes me as particularly unusual about them is that from my readings on the scholarly debate about the PM, these arguments are pretty much never raised by its detractors. Even its vociferous critics generally seem to quite clearly accept that it's an empirically testable hypothesis, but are critical at its success in doing so. You claimed that you were unaware of it being used to provide any testable predictions (which is unusual because from my reading, it's presented in a pretty straightforward fashion in the MC) and I gave you an example of such.

I am more than willing for there to be discussion or arguments on its value. But I barely see any arguments or discussion being attempted, when objections or critiques are raised of these points, they seem to just be restated without any additional argument provided.

Stringent
Dec 22, 2004


image text goes here
Hey, apologies if this has been asked already, I don't really follow this thread much, but I did do a few searches to do due diligence that it hadn't been brought up already. I've seen there's basically a full court press going on by the more neoliberal minded posters in here and elsewhere to brand Chomsky as a full bore denier of genocides, so I was wondering if anyone has any information/opinions on where those talking points are coming from and if possibly they share any common ground in methodology or ideology with the extensive efforts in the UK to brand Corbyn as an anti-semite or Bernie in the US as a misogynist?

I'll take my answer off air. :)

(USER WAS PUT ON PROBATION FOR THIS POST)

socialsecurity
Aug 30, 2003

Stringent posted:

Hey, apologies if this has been asked already, I don't really follow this thread much, but I did do a few searches to do due diligence that it hadn't been brought up already. I've seen there's basically a full court press going on by the more neoliberal minded posters in here and elsewhere to brand Chomsky as a full bore denier of genocides, so I was wondering if anyone has any information/opinions on where those talking points are coming from and if possibly they share any common ground in methodology or ideology with the extensive efforts in the UK to brand Corbyn as an anti-semite or Bernie in the US as a misogynist?

I'll take my answer off air. :)

This is just odd, he has written several books on the subject back in like the 70s. You can agree or disagree with his assertions but trying to pretend he doesn't deny stuff like the Cambodian genocide or didn't write an entire book around it and instead saying it's a neoliberal psyop just feels like a lazy troll.

Stringent
Dec 22, 2004


image text goes here
Just to answer the lazy troll part since I don't want to get probated over this, it's a sincere question since the point of MC isn't the verification or denial of genocides but rather how they're covered in major media sources despite conflicting evidence on almost any genocide. Again, I wasn't trying to troll anyone, it's something I've been wondering about and was just wondering if anyone else had any thoughts, please don't probe or ban me for genocide denial or whatever over this.

socialsecurity
Aug 30, 2003

Stringent posted:

Just to answer the lazy troll part since I don't want to get probated over this, it's a sincere question since the point of MC isn't the verification or denial of genocides but rather how they're covered in major media sources despite conflicting evidence on almost any genocide. Again, I wasn't trying to troll anyone, it's something I've been wondering about and was just wondering if anyone else had any thoughts, please don't probe or ban me for genocide denial or whatever over this.

You didn't mention MC in your first post and I'm not talking about MC either, you said it was a neoliberal plot to frame Chomsky as a genocide denier when Chomsky wrote several books specifically on that subject like "Distortions at Fourth Hand" about the Cambodian genocide. I could see someone arguing that maybe he is right and somehow all the evidence and bodies were faked by the US media but that is not what you are claiming, you seem to be claiming that him denying the genocide in the first place didn't happen and he is being framed by some nefarious forces.

Red and Black
Sep 5, 2011

Since we seem to be fixating on genocide, let me pose a question to the thread. What are we to do about the much larger and constant genocide denial by the media?

We all agree that genocide denial is bad. But not all genocide denial is the same. If, for example, your country is in the midst of committing genocide against another country, and you are a member of your country and maybe even pay taxes to your country, then denying that genocide has a very real effect. Denying that genocide has real influence, however small, on whether or not that genocide will continue.



If you're a media organization, and your supposed duty is to inform the public and enable democracy to function, then the effects of genocide denial are even more dire. Your coverage or non-coverage of an issue spells life or death for the people being killed by your country, or by your country's allies. That's why I think the apparent dichotomization of the media is so immoral. We can see from the table above that whether or not our media accepts or denies a genocide is demarcated by whether it occurs in an allied or enemy state. There's a special cynicism that must take place with respect to, for example, the Kurds, who will face brutality on either side of the Turkish-Iraq border, but once across the Turkish border they are seen by the media somehow as less human.

This plays out even today. You can find dozens of instances of the word genocide being applied to China in Xinjiang. But the average American has little connection to Xinjiang. Meanwhile in Yemen, UN agencies are saying 400,000 children under 5 could die of starvation this year due to a US-supported Saudi blockade. But the word genocide is rarely applied to the situation in Yemen by the US media, if at all, and there is little mention the US's support for the Saudi's genocidal campaign. If you were ask random people on the street in the US if they were aware that 400,000 Yemeni children may starve to death this year due to their government's foreign policy, how many people would be surprised? What if you asked them about Xinjiang and China?

Personally, that's the genocide denial that keeps me up at night. The all-pervading silence that masks the atrocities we could have an impact on. Not the writings of two scholars who are roundly ignored by the mainstream anyways and had no effect on the events they wrote on. It's the continuous, overwhelming evasion of the genocides that are the results of our own actions, whether in Yemen, Palestine, or elsewhere.

Epinephrine
Nov 7, 2008

piL posted:

It is my stance that that the following idea is harmful to discussion: that only falsifiable models have value to this thread.

The reasons I believe it to be harmful are:
  • Finding falsifiable models is difficult work,
  • I can conceive of characteristics of media that intuitively lead me to consider an item more or less trustworthy than others, for which I am unable to construct a predictive, testable model (much less actually test that model),
  • If the barrier of entry is a model that is falsifiable, we may get lost in academic specificity without being able to make easy, obvious, and beneficial assumptions. We will miss forests for trees.

Maybe I'm reading into that phrase too much. Maybe Epinephrine's intent is not that the model has no value solely because it is unfalsifiable. Maybe they mean that, in this particular case, that it is both unfalsifiable and it has no value to this thread. Or maybe that, based on the useful applications of that particular model it could only bring value if it were falsifiable and, since it isn't, its only applications are invalid. I take no issue with the second or third interpretation.

There would be value in a thread whose line of inquiry is only those demonstrable claims that are part of falsifiable models and therefore predictive models (because to be falsifiable, you must have a hypothesis to test). But then maybe there should be a separate thread where someone can make a claim, unaccompanied from a testable hypothesis requirement. A statement such as,

may have value to people discussing how they interact with, critique, and assess media without having been structured as part of a testable framework. Maybe that's too low brow for stickied threads in D&D,
Just getting to this now. I think I mostly fall in the third camp. Right now we're trying to use models, not develop them. I want my tools to work. Beyond that point in your post, we're starting to get into philosophy of science (for instance, going back to the post before the one I quote here, I think the ontology of clickbait is less important than what people perceive as clickbait for the purposes of people trying to relate clickbait to other properties, so its enough to get a bunch of people to rate a bunch of articles on, say, a 6 point scale from "definitely clickbait" to "definitely not clickbait" then see whether articles with higher clickbait ratings are more likely to have certain properties than those with lower clickbait raitings). It's fun to talk about but alas it's also a bit off topic for this thread.

Epinephrine
Nov 7, 2008
This is the second time this line has been put forward, and the reply is the same: You don't need MC/PM to acknowledge bad things done by the US. The critics of Herman and Chomsky I cited earlier in the thread also dislike what the US has done in the middle east. The framework outlined by MC/PM is used and has been used to build a intellectual framework to justify genocide denial and it can do this because the model is structured in such a way that it can justify just about anything. There are other models out there that don't wind up being used to let people deny genocides like the MC/PM does; perhaps we should consider those instead.

fool of sound
Oct 10, 2012

Epinephrine posted:

There are other models out there that don't wind up being used to let people deny genocides like the MC/PM does; perhaps we should consider those instead.

Can you put forward one of these models so we can compare then?

Red and Black
Sep 5, 2011

Epinephrine posted:

This is the second time this line has been put forward, and the reply is the same: You don't need MC/PM to acknowledge bad things done by the US. The critics of Herman and Chomsky I cited earlier in the thread also dislike what the US has done in the middle east. The framework outlined by MC/PM is used and has been used to build a intellectual framework to justify genocide denial and it can do this because the model is structured in such a way that it can justify just about anything. There are other models out there that don't wind up being used to let people deny genocides like the MC/PM does; perhaps we should consider those instead.

How does this address anything I wrote? I didn't even mention the PM, my point is that there is a level of genocide denial which permeates our society and is aided by the media. The post also isn't about how the US does bad things, but rather how the media doesn't inform the public about the genocides we participate in and that this has a real world impact infinitely higher than anything you can accuse Chomsky or Herman of. Maybe go back, read what I said, and try again.

socialsecurity
Aug 30, 2003

Red and Black posted:

How does this address anything I wrote? I didn't even mention the PM, my point is that there is a level of genocide denial which permeates our society and is aided by the media. The post also isn't about how the US does bad things, but rather how the media doesn't inform the public about the genocides we participate in and that this has a real world impact infinitely higher than anything you can accuse Chomsky or Herman of. Maybe go back, read what I said, and try again.

Of course it has a higher real world impact? What is the point you are trying to make here? That Chomsky's genocide denials pale in comparison to other crimes? Of course they do I don't think anyone here has said anything of the sort or think's the media should get away with lovely framing of American war crimes.

Red and Black
Sep 5, 2011

socialsecurity posted:

Of course it has a higher real world impact? What is the point you are trying to make here? That Chomsky's genocide denials pale in comparison to other crimes? Of course they do I don't think anyone here has said anything of the sort or think's the media should get away with lovely framing of American war crimes.

I asked specifically, "What are we to do about the much larger and constant genocide denial by the media?" I think that's a question we have to grapple with.

Out of curiosity though, why do you refer to American "war crimes" when I was specifically referring to genocide?

Silver2195
Apr 4, 2012
How often is "genocide" even used in straight news articles when talking about, e.g., Chinese human rights abuses in Xinjiang, anyway?

I realized I don't really keep track of what events the media regularly refer to as genocide, so I did a Google News search for "genocide." On the first page we have:
  • 2 results involving Canadian residential schools, including one from CGTN (the top result) with a pro-PRC whataboutist framing ("Canada decided to 'take the point' in the Anglo-American campaign to paint China's policy in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region as 'genocide'...").
  • 2 results involving German genocides in colonial Namibia.
  • 2 results about Ratko Mladic (the "Butcher of Bosnia") losing his appeal against his conviction for genocide.
  • 1 result involving colonial-era Mexico ("‘Lady of Guadalupe’ avoids tough truths about the Catholic Church and Indigenous genocide")
  • A press release from the Governor of Texas that Google somehow classified as news ("Governor Abbott Signs HB 3257 Into Law, Creating The Texas Holocaust, Genocide, And Antisemitism Advisory Commission")
  • 1 result involving the Armenian Genocide.
  • One article, from the BBC, actually involving present rather than past atrocities: "Ethiopia Tigray crisis: Warnings of genocide and famine." The article itself doesn't use the word "genocide" in its own voice, however, instead presenting the situation as disputed.

If these results are representative (which, to be fair to the media, they probably aren't), it would seem that for the media, genocide is something that happens almost exclusively in the past, not the present.

Slow News Day
Jul 4, 2007

Sekhem posted:

You've been consistently just repeating these points without responding to any of the objections against them.

This is an odd thing to say. No one has raised objections to the extensive list of problems with PM that Discendo Vox posted on the previous page, as far as I can tell. Only two posters acknowledged his post, one got probated for obvious lack of interest in debate and the other said they found DV's arguments convincing in that PM is invalid, and further admitted that they have never read or used it. You, on the other hand, have completely ignored it, which is ironic coming from someone complaining about people not responding to objections...

Sekhem posted:

What strikes me as particularly unusual about them is that from my readings on the scholarly debate about the PM, these arguments are pretty much never raised by its detractors. Even its vociferous critics generally seem to quite clearly accept that it's an empirically testable hypothesis, but are critical at its success in doing so. You claimed that you were unaware of it being used to provide any testable predictions (which is unusual because from my reading, it's presented in a pretty straightforward fashion in the MC) and I gave you an example of such.

This is the "example" you posted for "testing" PM:

Sekhem posted:

Here's a quick example that directly attempts to test it, but really any look at the secondary literature and debates should make these kinds of predictions clear.
https://nacla.org/news/colombia-and-venezuela-testing-propaganda-model-0

In other words, you posted the top result for a "testing manufacturing consent" search on google, but did not even try to explain why it is a valid and proper test of the Propaganda Model in relation to the points Discendo Vox made. Nevertheless, I read it. It is farcical. The author — who at the time was a graduate student in history — looked at US mainstream media's treatments of Venezuelan and Colombian governments. He then attempted to apply the Propaganda Model by noting that because the US viewed Chavez as an antagonist and Uribe as sympathetic to US interests, one could expect that US media coverage would also reflect that bias when covering events in those two countries.

The article starts with this sentence:

quote:

The mainstream media is howling over Hugo Chávez's bid to change the constitution for a third term, while coverage of Colombia's Álvaro Uribe, a staunch U.S. ally, to do the same raises few, if any, questions in the media.

Then, just a few paragraphs in, it contradicts itself:

quote:

2. Presidential term limits. Between 2004 and 2007, both Chávez and Uribe attempted to extend or abolish presidential term limits in their respective countries; Uribe was successful, Chávez was not. Their proposals differed in three respects: first, Chávez included his request within a larger package of social, economic, and political reforms, whereas Uribe did not; second, the Chávez proposal and reforms were defeated by a popular referendum, whereas Uribe’s request was granted by the Colombian Congress and upheld by a Supreme Court ruling; and third, Chávez proposed to eliminate term limits entirely, whereas Uribe proposed to extend them. Nonetheless, both were proposals to expand executive power.

In other words, the two were not in fact the same: Chavez tried to abolish term limits entirely via a failed popular referendum, whereas Ubile proposed extending them by one term, which was approved by Columbian Congress and upheld by their supreme court. But the author did not think that this was an important difference.

Regarding the Inravisión vs. RCTV comparison, there are paragraphs that should immediately evoke parallels for anyone who paid attention to right-wing media coverage of BLM protests of last summer. For example:

quote:

Even more so than the Times’, the Post’s coverage tended to glorify the protesters as freedom fighters confronting the repression of the Chávez government. During the two-week stretch immediately before and after RCTV went off the airwaves, the Post featured six updates in its World in Brief section that all cast Chávez in a decidedly autocratic light. Several also portrayed government forces as having violently repressed the protests in Caracas. The May 29 update reported that “[p]olice fired tear gas and plastic bullets into a crowd of about 5,000,” but the report did not mention that many of the protesters had themselves committed acts of violence. One later update noted that the protests were “sometimes violent” and another mentioned that “[a]t least 30 [protesters] were charged with violent acts.”

Wow, the protests were not peaceful, you say? Some of the protestors themselves had committed acts of violence? Just like... Antifa? But, wait, we know that that particular talking point regarding BLM protests by right-wing media was pure horseshit — so why should we take it seriously in this particular context? Could it be that the US media did not report the violence committed by protestors not because it has an imperialist bias, but because the talking point itself would have been a lovely and bad faith attempt to undermine the protestors? Makes you think.

The article has other similar objections to US media coverage of Venezuela in particular that should raise a few eyebrows. For example, the author cites language from NYT and WaPo editorials that state that the constitutional changes sought by Chavez would extend his presidency for life, and would greatly strengthen his already considerable influence. The author's objection? Oh, but Chavez would still have to be elected for each successive term! :rolleyes: And then has the audacity (or stupidity — I can't tell which) to point out that US allies such as Canada and Japan have no term limits, and that the US itself had no term limits until 1951. As if Venezuela is in any way comparable to Canada or Japan or pre-1951 US. It is not much different from the "why should Iran not have nukes, when the US and the UK have them?" argument that we see bandied about every now and then, and is equally laughable.

Anyway, look, what should be clear is that this article is not a "test" of the Propaganda Model. The author, just like Chomsky and Herman, is using the Propaganda Model to support his own biases (which are obvious from literally the first sentence of the article, i.e. the mainstream media is "howling") by selectively picking media coverage and pointing at what he perceives as imperialist bias (and some of it surely is). Here's the issue: Propaganda Model does not merely claim that mainstream media is biased and that its coverage of events slanted towards US interests — that itself is not a controversial claim, nor is it unique to PM or even originally pointed out by PM. Rather, the Propaganda Model makes much broader categorical claims regarding mass media about the how and why. That is what is meant by "the assumptions the model makes, which are its underpinnings, are unfalsifiable". If the explanation for something is that a group of shadowy elites want events to be covered in mass media a certain way, or (in the case of absence of bias or even anti-corporate or anti-state coverage) that they don't actually care about those events, how is that any different than "God wanted it this way" or "this matter is too trivial for God to care about", respectively? The Will of God theory, as I called it earlier, could similarly be "tested", and doing so would be equally meaningless because every test would support the theory, while the underlying assumption, i.e. that God exists, would remain unfalsifiable.

I AM GRANDO
Aug 20, 2006

Instead of posting original responses here, is there a peer-reviewed article or two someone could post that addresses the problems with Manufacturing Consent? That would clear up some points of contention here and make the debate less personal. Like maybe something that would be assigned in an intro-level grad course, like a methods class you’d take in your first year?

Cpt_Obvious
Jun 18, 2007

You guys know that Popper's falsifiability metric was created for scientific fields, right? It's not applicable to media criticism and analysis, it's like trying to eat soup with a fork.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Falsifiability

Edit:

quote:

In the philosophy of science, a theory is falsifiable (or refutable) if it is contradicted by an observation that is logically possible—i.e., expressible in the language of the theory, which must have a conventional empirical interpretation.[A] Thus the theory must be about scientific evidence and it must prohibit some (but not all) logically possible observations.

fool of sound
Oct 10, 2012

Antifa Turkeesian posted:

Instead of posting original responses here, is there a peer-reviewed article or two someone could post that addresses the problems with Manufacturing Consent? That would clear up some points of contention here and make the debate less personal. Like maybe something that would be assigned in an intro-level grad course, like a methods class you’d take in your first year?

This would also be helpful. But we are done with discussing the genocide denial angle now. It's been going nowhere for days now.

I'd also really like people to respond to Disvox's post.

evilweasel
Aug 24, 2002

Cpt_Obvious posted:

You guys know that Popper's falsifiability metric was created for scientific fields, right? It's not applicable to media criticism and analysis, it's like trying to eat soup with a fork.

in the "trying to explain anything about observable reality" sense of "science", yes. if you are trying to say the propaganda model is a work of abstract art not intended to convey any explanation about anything that has happened or will happen, sure, you are correct that it need not be falsifiable any more than my toddler's art does.

if you seek to be using it to explain anything about what is or is not reported in the media or how, then it needs to be falsifiable. because if it's not, by definition it doesn't explain anything or give you any insight at all.

Cpt_Obvious
Jun 18, 2007

evilweasel posted:

in the "trying to explain anything about observable reality" sense of "science", yes. if you are trying to say the propaganda model is a work of abstract art not intended to convey any explanation about anything that has happened or will happen, sure, you are correct that it need not be falsifiable any more than my toddler's art does.

if you seek to be using it to explain anything about what is or is not reported in the media or how, then it needs to be falsifiable. because if it's not, by definition it doesn't explain anything or give you any insight at all.

This is like arguing that "death of the author" should be applied to scientific consensus. It's irrelevant, if not counterproductive.

Epicurius
Apr 10, 2010
College Slice
I guess my question would be, how does MC's Propaganda model fit the Salvadoran Civil War? Basically, as you know, in 1979, there was a Communist uprising against the military controlled government of El Salvador, and it led to something like a 13 year long civil war, where the government brutally repressed anybody critical of it, whether they were involved in the uprising or not. Villages were massacred, American nuns serving as missionaries were raped and murdered, intellectuals were tortured, thrown in prison and killed, and even the Archbishop of San Salvador was killed by a death squad affiliated by the government when he criticized the government's crimes in a sermon. The US government, under the Carter and Reagan administration supported the Salvadoran government because they were anticommunist.

So, according to the Propaganda Model, as far as I understand it, you'd expect the government atrocities to be downplayed or ignored, while FMLR (the Communist guerilla army) crimes to be played up. Except that didn't really happen. The New York Times, for instance, reported extensively on crimes in El Salvador while they were going on, in 1986 Oliver Stone released the film Salvador, which was really critical of the government, and in 1989, Romero, a biopic of the murdered Archbishop, came out, with the only media criticism of it by US reviewers that it wasn't harsh enough on the US for supporting the Salvadoran government.

Sekhem
Feb 13, 2009

Slow News Day posted:

This is an odd thing to say. No one has raised objections to the extensive list of problems with PM that Discendo Vox posted on the previous page, as far as I can tell. Only two posters acknowledged his post, one got probated for obvious lack of interest in debate and the other said they found DV's arguments convincing in that PM is invalid, and further admitted that they have never read or used it. You, on the other hand, have completely ignored it, which is ironic coming from someone complaining about people not responding to objections...
I don't see how my points aren't an implicit response to Vox's arguments, even though I wasn't responding directly?

Slow News Day posted:

In other words, you posted the top result for a "testing manufacturing consent" search on google, but did not even try to explain why it is a valid and proper test of the Propaganda Model in relation to the points Discendo Vox made. Nevertheless, I read it. It is farcical. The author — who at the time was a graduate student in history — looked at US mainstream media's treatments of Venezuelan and Colombian governments. He then attempted to apply the Propaganda Model by noting that because the US viewed Chavez as an antagonist and Uribe as sympathetic to US interests, one could expect that US media coverage would also reflect that bias when covering events in those two countries.
That my example was literally the first google search result is my entire point: these arguments aren't obscure in any way, the most cursory look at the debate surrounding the model will show you that testability of its theses are the main focus of both its advocates and detractors.

I'm genuinely confused about the rest of your post - you're making an argument about the success the model had at making appropriate points of comparison and accounting for the differences in coverage, but that's a direct test of its falsifiability and entirely besides the point of the discussion we were having. Being able to argue the factual adequacy of attempted tests of the models claims is not an indication of unfalsifiability, it's more likely to be the opposite. Do you understand that immediately going from "there's no way to prove it wrong" to "the empirical claims presented by this model are fraught with errors" does not seem like a consistent line of critique?

Your invocation of "Will of God" argument at the end has nothing to do with your previous disputation of the facts in the article, and seems entirely based on some idea of "shadowy elites" that is implicit in MC's thesis. But MC does not talk about some hidden authority pulling the strings, it's a political-economic account of the visible structures of media ownership and organisational incentives that lead to particular results even in the absence of direct intention setting. That's the opposite of a shadow elite agenda that can never be grasped, it's a set of claims about a visible set of determinants which can be tested.

e: but to respond to the direct arguments you made, because I do appreciate the engagement:

Slow News Day posted:

In other words, the two were not in fact the same: Chavez tried to abolish term limits entirely via a failed popular referendum, whereas Ubile proposed extending them by one term, which was approved by Columbian Congress and upheld by their supreme court. But the author did not think that this was an important difference.
I don't think you're presenting an accurate depiction of events. Uribe proposed an extension of limits by one term, which appeared be initially supported by congress, was struck down by the supreme court on the conclusion that it was in violation of the constitution and its ostensible support in congress was determined to be subject to several irregularities. I don't think it's obvious at all why this would be an unreasonable point of comparison to Chavez's attempt at a popular referendum.

Slow News Day posted:

Wow, the protests were not peaceful, you say? Some of the protestors themselves had committed acts of violence? Just like... Antifa? But, wait, we know that that particular talking point regarding BLM protests by right-wing media was pure horseshit — so why should we take it seriously in this particular context? Could it be that the US media did not report the violence committed by protestors not because it has an imperialist bias, but because the talking point itself would have been a lovely and bad faith attempt to undermine the protestors? Makes you think.
The right wing talking point about BLM was horseshit because it made the argument that the police repression was proportional to the instances of violence being carried out. But this involves no argument about whether police actions in Venezuela were a proportionate or disproportionate response to protestor violence at all, because it's about how protestor violence simply wasn't reported on.

Regarding BLM last summer, mainstream media outlets did report consistently on violent actions by protestors. Simply relaying the basic facts isn't making a lovely bad faith talking point to undermine protestors, it's only that if the violence is presented as proportional to or warranting the police action. By your argument, effectively every single western media outlet was just making a lovely right wing talking point by covering violence committed in the protest movement.

Slow News Day posted:

For example, the author cites language from NYT and WaPo editorials that state that the constitutional changes sought by Chavez would extend his presidency for life, and would greatly strengthen his already considerable influence. The author's objection? Oh, but Chavez would still have to be elected for each successive term! :rolleyes: And then has the audacity (or stupidity — I can't tell which) to point out that US allies such as Canada and Japan have no term limits, and that the US itself had no term limits until 1951.
There's no argument being made here, just premises being reported as if they're self evident. It's clear you think that Chavez's electoral successes were or would be undemocratic in nature, so electoral constitutional amendments would merely exist to be exploited by this. But that's not a self-evident claim, election monitoring in Venezuela has been a hotbed of debate and differing conclusions, we can't just take this judgement as obvious and not requiring actual argument to support it.

Sekhem fucked around with this message at 04:59 on Jun 28, 2021

Thorn Wishes Talon
Oct 18, 2014

by Fluffdaddy

(and can't post for 8 days!)

Sekhem posted:

I don't see how my points aren't an implicit response to Vox's arguments, even though I wasn't responding directly?

This is pretty bizarre. The way you respond to people's arguments on this website is by quoting them. If you want to respond to a single argument they are making out of many, you quote that part of their post. You don't just type words in response to someone else and then claim they were actually an "implicit response" to another poster.

At this point I think it is fair to ask you to actually respond to Discendo Vox's post, instead of going after posters you perceive as easier targets.

Sekhem posted:

That my example was literally the first google search result is my entire point: these arguments aren't obscure in any way, the most cursory look at the debate surrounding the model will show you that testability of its theses are the main focus of both its advocates and detractors.

The other thing you're expected to do in this subforum in particular is "meet effort with effort". What this means is that if someone goes to great lengths to extensively catalogue the problems with a model, and one of their criticism is that the model is not testable, you can't just slam the first Google result in (implicit :rolleyes:) response, especially not without elaborating on why the link you're providing is sufficient refutation.

Sekhem
Feb 13, 2009

Thorn Wishes Talon posted:

This is pretty bizarre. The way you respond to people's arguments on this website is by quoting them. If you want to respond to a single argument they are making out of many, you quote that part of their post. You don't just type words in response to someone else and then claim they were actually an "implicit response" to another poster.
I don't think expecting a point by point rebuttal of every post is necessary for a productive discussion. Do you disagree that discussing how the model could provide tests for its hypotheses would work as a response to Vox's arguments?

I don't believe Vox has ever responded to me personally, nor do I think they are obligated to, because if their arguments are convincingly argued for then they will work as a coherent rebuttal to my points anyway. That we're discussing his post at all in the context of my argument indicates that you're already aware that it works as an implicit response to me, in spite of never directly addressing me. It's not an unusual mode of communication on this forum at all.

Thorn Wishes Talon posted:

The other thing you're expected to do in this subforum in particular is "meet effort with effort". What this means is that if someone goes to great lengths to extensively catalogue the problems with a model, and one of their criticism is that the model is not testable, you can't just slam the first Google result in (implicit :rolleyes:) response, especially not without elaborating on why the link you're providing is sufficient refutation.
That post where I provided the link was not a response to Vox's post, it was a response to you, who made a single sentence request for an example. I fail to see how this isn't responding to effort with effort? If that was my response to Vox's post I agree it would be inappropriate and insufficient, but... it wasn't.

And again, I literally just pulled an example immediately from a quick search specifically because even the most cursory look at the debates surrounding the model show that the provision of testable hypotheses is at the forefront. While you had demonstrated a lack of awareness about whether the model was intended to provide these at all, something a simple search could have clarified.

Sekhem fucked around with this message at 05:24 on Jun 28, 2021

Sekhem
Feb 13, 2009

Epicurius posted:

I guess my question would be, how does MC's Propaganda model fit the Salvadoran Civil War?
I apologise if this is a cursory response to your questions, but Manufacturing Consent directly talks about the case of El Salvador in its second and third chapters. The response would be that while there might have been exceptional instances, on aggregate the bulk of reporting of events did downplay or ignore them.

Discendo Vox
Mar 21, 2013

We don't need to have that dialogue because it's obvious, trivial, and has already been had a thousand times.
As it came up earlier and I'm desperate to spend less time at the Omaha Zoo's latest exhibit, here's a shorter effortpost on general sourcing and attribution policy terms. fool of sound, this should be uncontroversial so if possible please link it in the OP.

Sources and attribution: the basics
Understanding the conventions of how professional media characterize sources of information can help provide useful context about the intentions of sources and the purpose of a given media message. The below are the common terms in use in the US, and what they generally mean, with examples and some caveats. There's a lot more to cover here, this is just to get us started.

On the record. Directly quotable with attribution, by name. This is functionally the default if you're talking to a reporter, but competent journalists who aren't trying to immediately wreck a source of information are going to usually be more explicit about when they are on the record, unless the interaction is adversarial.
Example:

quote:

“It ended with the catch-all where I just said, ‘Remember, we can ban you for any reason we like. So if something falls through the cracks here, we can still ban you for it,’” said Kyanka. Kyanka knew there were edgelords who’d push against the stated limits and see how far they could get before being banned.

On background. The source name isn't used, but some sort of other conditional information about the source is provided. (The AP, as a wire service, basically never uses sources on background.) Depending in the circumstances, this can be very useful in determining the motivations of the source. With a great deal of experience with individual authors or outlets, it's possible to narrow the likely set of sources or at least identify common sourcing from particular outlets (for example, the new york times has a fat pipe to several law enforcement agencies in NYC).
Example:

quote:

A NAVY COUNTERTERRORISM training document obtained exclusively by The Intercept appears to conflate socialists with terrorists and lists the left-wing ideology alongside “neo-nazis.” A section of the training document subtitled “Study Questions” includes the following: “Anarchists, socialists and neo-nazis represent which terrorist ideological category?” The correct answer is “political terrorists,” a military source briefed on the training told me. The document, titled “Introduction to Terrorism/Terrorist Operations,” is part of a longer training manual recently disseminated by the Naval Education Training and Command’s Navy Tactical Training Center in conjunction with the Center for Security Forces. The training is designed for masters-at-arms, the Navy’s internal police, the military source said.
(someone remind me to use this piece to illustrate bad faith and framing effects for the thread at some point)

Deep background. The information can be used but it's never attributed to a source with any detail. This is an extremely ethically risky form of attribution that reporters are usually not supposed to accept; in practice the reporter, aware of the information, is going to use their awareness of this information to find other corroborating sources, or is really willing to go out on a limb.
Example:

quote:

Now, the prime suspect in the breach has been identified: a 29-year-old former C.I.A. software engineer who had designed malware used to break into the computers of terrorism suspects and other targets, The New York Times has learned.

You will also see this if a mediator is unable to immediately confirm the source but is confident that it's true and the story is white-hot, such as in disaster reporting. This shows up in the On the Media active shooter handbook for a reason!

Off the record. Not for use in any publication, ever, and usually understood to not even be used in other reporting. This does not mean "quote me anonymously", even if it gets presented that way in popular media! Unsophisticated, abusive sources sometimes try to poo poo in the pool by asserting that something explosive they've revealed is off the record, with the goal of preventing the reporter from ever reporting on it. This one weird trick doesn't work very well.

As mentioned above, reporters with information gained off the record on on deep background are encouraged to get confirmation from alternate sources. With explosive or inflammatory claims that have no on the record sources (and with litigious subjects), the reporter will often get as many sources, with as much attribution as possible, to both protect their original sources and defend the story from attack. This hit absurd heights during the leak-heavy, pushback-prone Trump administration.

Caution:
From my dealings with the press, the above are indeed the normal ways that these terms are used, but there can be significant variations, and truly scummy mediators may not follow ethical policies at all, even if they have them posted. If you're interacting with the press, then understanding and negotiating attribution is very important. If you're working as a mediator with people who like abusing the press, then you can expect them to claim their interpretation of these levels of attribution are different, or even gaslight you about how attribution was negotiated.

If a reporter truly thinks it's worth ruining their reputation over, they can, of course, lie about protecting attribution. At this point, though, there's little keeping them from just lying about what their source says- and if the fact that they've done so is revealed, the journalist will usually find themselves completely unemployable.

More info:
I've primarily used policy materials from the AP and the Washington Post for this post (as I stated elsewhere, these policies are public and actively maintained, which is a good sign about these organizations). Both linked sites have much more contextual detail about their sourcing and quotation policies; this is just to provide some basic vocabulary. At some point in the future I'll go into citation effects and networked mediation, strengths and limitations of standard journalistic attribution practice which are also addressed in these policy sections.

Discendo Vox fucked around with this message at 05:52 on Jun 28, 2021

Thorn Wishes Talon
Oct 18, 2014

by Fluffdaddy

(and can't post for 8 days!)

Sekhem posted:

I don't think expecting a point by point rebuttal of every post is necessary for a productive discussion.

Not every post, no. Just the ones the moderator asked for:

fool of sound posted:

I'd also really like people to respond to Disvox's post.

I see that DV made another post just now, so feel free to roll all your direct responses into a single post.

Sekhem
Feb 13, 2009

Thorn Wishes Talon posted:

Not every post, no. Just the ones the moderator asked for:
That's not an ultimatum to require every response to do so. It doesn't preclude me from addressing your posts requesting examples from me personally, for instance. I don't think you're engaging in good faith here.

Epicurius
Apr 10, 2010
College Slice

Sekhem posted:

I apologise if this is a cursory response to your questions, but Manufacturing Consent directly talks about the case of El Salvador in its second and third chapters. The response would be that while there might have been exceptional instances, on aggregate the bulk of reporting of events did downplay or ignore them.

I last read it about 25 years ago, so I need to read that section again, because I really want to know what "downplayed" or "ignored" means? Like, what's the right amount of reporting the press should be doing?

Sekhem
Feb 13, 2009

Epicurius posted:

I last read it about 25 years ago, so I need to read that section again, because I really want to know what "downplayed" or "ignored" means? Like, what's the right amount of reporting the press should be doing?
Obviously we can't determine based on singular instances what the "right" amount of reporting of an event should be, so the hypothesis is based on identifying events that are comparable in scale or quality and identifying the disparities of their reporting. It provides quantifiable metrics for addressing this, such as number of articles, inches of columns, amount of front page placement, etc.

Sharks Eat Bear
Dec 25, 2004

Thorn Wishes Talon posted:

Not every post, no. Just the ones the moderator asked for:

I see that DV made another post just now, so feel free to roll all your direct responses into a single post.

Sekhem has made a shitload of effortful, respectful and humble posts ITT and your browbeating them about what’s best for the thread and the mod’s rules is unhelpful and makes the thread worse to read. If this thread was only posts between Sekhem and Discendo Vox implicitly debating each other without direct quotes, it would be Very Good.

Fritz the Horse
Dec 26, 2019

... of course!
first of all let me apologize briefly for my angry post re: genocide denial, this whole thread is some very dense reading and I'm trying to get caught up to more meaningfully engage

Sekhem posted:

That's not an ultimatum to require every response to do so. It doesn't preclude me from addressing your posts requesting examples from me personally, for instance. I don't think you're engaging in good faith here.

You have almost twice as many posts in this thread as any other participant. I'm now off work for the month of July so have been trying to catch up on this thread, and in all of your 39 posts I can barely find any positive arguments for the Propaganda Model. Mostly you seem to be defending it while presenting barely any affirmative case or examples for its proper usage. Here's about all I could see:

Sekhem posted:

I think a useful framing of the PM is that it understands the processes of bias as "filters" that data is processed through. It doesn't provide us with the methods for verifying the bare data that forms the inputs, but I don't think any media analysis framework will. We're always going to need to invoke political, economic, historical analysis in order to do that. What media analysis does help us do is recover the input data from the filters that impact its presentation. We correct for the distortions that over/underemphasis, narrative framing etc. present, in order to recover a presentation of facts that's as neutral and value-free as we can manage.

Sekhem posted:

It's not a normative judgement, it's a thesis from MC that describes relative media presentation of victims of violence. An example given in the book is the assassination of one Polish priest in the Socialist Poland paralleling the execution of untold numbers of dissident priests by right-wing death squads in Latin America during the same period. The former is deemed a victim "worthy" of persistent media attention, while the latter is "unworthy" of the mainstream media and relegated to a marginal concern.

The point of bringing this up is to question whether the propaganda model necessarily leads to skepticism towards the reality of events. MC doesn't question the factual basis of the assassination of Father Jerzy, yet recognises that the relative attention and significance given to this event in proportion to others is indicative of a political line.

This is a rejoinder to the claims that the PM necessarily implies a factual rejection of stories reported in mainstream media. Rather, it explicitly presents the "worthy" / "unworthy" lens as an illustration of how the reality of events is a distinct question to how events are leveraged narratively in the media.

Sekhem posted:

You're repeatedly saying that it can't reliably make predictive claims, is unfalsifiable and can justify anything, etc. but I simply don't see how this is true. The PM, to me, clearly seems to provide falsifiable claims about what narrative framing and what level of attention are going to be given to current events in a statistically significant aggregate sense. MC makes very clear direct quantifiable metrics that could be used to assess these predictions, such as number of stories, their relative wordcounts, placement of such stories in the outlet's pages, frequency of use of particular terms and designations, etc.

but you also posted:

Sekhem posted:

I don't even particularly like Chomsky and am barely familiar with Herman's independent works. My posts have had some pretty critical things to say about both of them. Part of what I'm interested in is how this model - despite what some detractors have claimed, but I think their objections were pretty thoroughly dismissed in previous pages - is taken pretty seriously academically. That would be a very curious, and concerning, fact if genocide denial or related colossal failures of reasoning were implicit or endemic to this methodology.

Particularly what leads to me being skeptical of this is that MC is, as far as I remember, a very transparent and direct work. It makes its theses and methodology very clear, in a way that's pretty easy to isolate from anything else the authors might have written. If such faults were so endemic I think they would be very identifiable in the text itself, but the critiques and rejections here seem to be doing basically anything but engaging with its model of media analysis directly. Which is what this thread should be for, I think.
If you're pretty critical of the Propaganda Model and Manufacturing Consent is a "very transparent and direct work [which] makes its theses and methodology very clear, in a way that's pretty easy to isolate from anything else the authors might have written" perhaps you could make a positive argument in its favor?

because good grief,

Discendo Vox posted:

I'm desperate to spend less time at the Omaha Zoo's latest exhibit

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Sekhem
Feb 13, 2009

Fritz the Horse posted:

You have almost twice as many posts in this thread as any other participant. I'm now off work for the month of July so have been trying to catch up on this thread, and in all of your 39 posts I can barely find any positive arguments for the Propaganda Model.
I entered this argument because I was frustrated at seeing the fundamental rejection from first premises that dismiss ever even engaging with it directly. If this discussion was just a debate about the relative effectiveness of its empirical application, I'd have relatively little to add, because I'm not particularly a partisan of its theses. The fact that I argue in defence of it being taken seriously doesn't mean I necessarily want to mount some further defence of the work itself, beyond the fact that it's a credible, nontrivial and falsifiable model.

I don't think making negative arguments about points being raised here mean I need an additional positive defence of its merits. As far as I can tell, I've made it fairly clear what points I'm disagreeing with and why, so I don't think there's any larger point I'm leaving unsaid in my arguments. I'm mostly interested in there being room for advocates of the model to actually engage in a discussion of its merits, without feeling like they're automatically on the backfoot against perpetually shifting goalposts.

Fritz the Horse posted:

If you're pretty critical of the Propaganda Model and Manufacturing Consent is a "very transparent and direct work [which] makes its theses and methodology very clear, in a way that's pretty easy to isolate from anything else the authors might have written" perhaps you could make a positive argument in its favor?
Sure, but I think you'd probably be able to read it from my arguments anyway: I think the PM model is pretty effective at demonstrating where media attention of events in contentious conflicts is going to be directed, in a way that helps us correct for inadequacies in our media diet. I also think it can credibly contribute to us being able to read through the value laden categories that come with narrative framing in the media to identify what the bare facts being reported are. I don't think it's necessarily the best approach to doing all this, but I certainly don't think its contributions are trivial.

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