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enigma74
Aug 5, 2005
a lean lobster who probably doesn't even taste good.

ronya posted:

The not entirely quiet part out loud:

https://twitter.com/HuXijin_GT/status/1734150597207576908

Nationalist bluster aside Beijing seems to be absorbing that there are limits to the strategy of gray zone tactics to avoid seeming like an aggressor when the other party is willing to risk lives. For example, the Philippines can keep sending tiny chartered civilian boats with journalists and officials so that the oversized Chinese Coast Guard cutters look massive (instead of deploying the handful of equivalently-sized ships that Manila does have). There's precedent for outcries leading to moderation, e.g., lasers (which the Chinese used in Feb) seem to not have been tried again. There are not many other options besides water cannons for ranged enforcement of presence (short of acts of war, anyway). Weakness is its own kind of advantage in grey zone conflict; many ASEAN countries want to be able to keep using cheap civilian charter craft rather than invest in a costly standing fleet for coastal monitoring tasks (being disinterested in maritime security in general is, ahem, one reason naval piracy remains a problem in Southeast Asia, despite the region not being dysfunctional in the way e.g. Somalia or Nigeria are). Aligning a mini-pact on this would be in e.g. Malaysia's and Vietnam's especial interest (I mentioned the proposed pact upthread).

The logical Chinese strategy would be to apply a level of force sufficient to make Philippine claims expensive to sustain (by e.g. continually maintaining a massive fleet presence in Philippine EEC claims and asserting, but not automatically enforcing, the right to enforce Chinese law, save on bona fide pirates that Manila can't much complain about). Actual confrontation is probably not desirable, or at least not paying off in the way Beijing might like; it has to force Manila to chase them away instead of vice versa. Eventually a government in Manila (being democratic, and subject to electoral capriciousness) may lose interest and write it off.

So much for China's soft power strategy in Manila. It seemed to be working well when Duterte was pro-China earlier in his career, it seemed like he was pushing the Philippines slowly towards neutrality or being pro-China. China just had to concede in the SCS, and maybe the American military bases would have slowly disappeared as their leases stopped being renewed. It may have broken the first island chain, given enough time.

Instead, we have mouthpieces like Hu Xijin just going full wolf warrior, to maybe appease some internal nationalist audience...who probably don't even care that much about the SCS to begin with. It's like cutting down a forest to gain a toothpick.

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ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.
Xi's visit to Vietnam, de facto readout in English:

http://english.scio.gov.cn/m/topnews/2023-12/12/content_116873077.htm

"双方都能接受的解决办法" "solutions acceptable to both sides" is kind of pointless without renouncing the use of force to settle territorial disputes; note that this form of words is the same as what China uses for tense Sino-US and Sino-Indian negotiations, including over territorial LAC issues

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.
English translation of the Central Economic Work Conference readout:

https://www.gingerriver.com/p/full-text-and-analysis-chinas-central

So, window guidance and real estate bailout; not much surprising. "Housing is for living in, not for speculation" language was caveated in 2022 with reasonable-financing-needs; this year the former idiom has vanished entirely.

A long time ago as a cheeky undergrad I remarked (facetiously) in a macro tutorial that if we took expectations seriously then governments should consider exerting actual control over the actual mechanisms of expectations of media sentiment and such: censorship as a central bank policy instrument. It seems that contemporary China really believes it.

quote:

要增强宏观政策取向一致性。加强财政、货币、就业、产业、区域、科技、环保等政策协调配合,把非经济性政策纳入宏观政策取向一致性评估,强化政策统筹,确保同向发力、形成合力。加强经济宣传和舆论引导,唱响中国经济光明论。

It is important to enhance the consistency of macroeconomic policy directions. Strengthening the coordination of fiscal, monetary, employment, industrial, regional, technological, and environmental policies, and incorporating non-economic policies into the assessment of macroeconomic policy consistency are essential. Strengthening policy coordination to ensure concerted efforts and synergy, and enhancing economic publicity and public opinion guidance to promote a positive narrative of China's economy are also key directives.

WarpedLichen
Aug 14, 2008


ronya posted:

English translation of the Central Economic Work Conference readout:

https://www.gingerriver.com/p/full-text-and-analysis-chinas-central

So, window guidance and real estate bailout; not much surprising. "Housing is for living in, not for speculation" language was caveated in 2022 with reasonable-financing-needs; this year the former idiom has vanished entirely.

A long time ago as a cheeky undergrad I remarked (facetiously) in a macro tutorial that if we took expectations seriously then governments should consider exerting actual control over the actual mechanisms of expectations of media sentiment and such: censorship as a central bank policy instrument. It seems that contemporary China really believes it.

I wouldn't necessarily call it censorship - media management and messaging is a key component of government function. You're not going to get very far for long without engagement and support. Heavy handed media management does end up being censorship, but public opinion guidance in general isn't.

At some fundamental level, the government has to be able to communicate with the public and change their minds on any number of topics and there's no reason that economics would be outside of that.

I mean we know how China would implement it in a heavy handed way, but yeah.

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.
唱响中国经济光明论 "Spreading the narrative of China's great economy" has some previous idiomatic context: https://www.bjfsh.gov.cn/zhxw/fsdt/202307/t20230720_40064484.shtml

Macroeconomic expectations are normally about credibility - the ability of one's promises to bind one's own future actions - rather than the energy and mobilization one can summon now to convince the masses to wear Whip Inflation Now buttons at a given moment. It's less about being physically able to communicate your intentions than getting people to believe those claims. In this perspective, the government can say whatever but civil society is an untameable beast that can call bullshit.

Conversely, for China today, something that may limit the center's flexibility to respond to a novel crisis is anathemic to the party's current outlook - with the side effect that credibility is a persistent problem. The upside of being able to make policy u-turns whenever is discretion; the downside is, also, that discretion. So what else in its stead? It's novel in a really ideologically distinct way to say, no, actually 讲好中国故事 "telling China's story well" can be recycled to apply to this problem space too: 讲好中国经济发展故事 (telling China's economic development story well). Something something discourse power.

distortion park
Apr 25, 2011


Very minor story in the scheme of things but I suspect this will continue to grow as the EU gets more and more protective of its automobile industry. Pretty easy to justify cutting down on free trade when even the guy clearing the VW factory of human rights issues says that "...interviews ... could be “dangerous”. “Even if they would be aware of something, they cannot say that in an interview,” he said."

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.
https://twitter.com/ftchina/status/1735540605206327452

quote:

Chinese spies had run a far-right Belgian politician as an intelligence asset for more than two years in a case that shows how Beijing has conducted influence operations in an effort to shape politics in its favour.

Daniel Woo, an officer in China’s Ministry of State Security spy agency, pushed Frank Creyelman, a former Belgian senator, to influence discussions in Europe on issues ranging from China’s crackdown on democracy in Hong Kong to its persecution of Uyghurs in Xinjiang.

As German Chancellor Olaf Scholz was about to visit China in late 2022, Woo asked Creyelman to convince two right-wing members of the European parliament to say publicly that the US and UK were undermining European energy security.
“Our purpose is to divide the US-European relationship,” Woo wrote in a text message to Creyelman.

The relationship between the Chinese case officer and his Belgian agent is documented in 30 months of text messages between 2019 and 2022 that were obtained from a western security source in a joint investigation by the Financial Times, Der Spiegel and Le Monde.

...

Woo discussed money several times in the exchanges, including amounts he would pay Creyelman or others for their help. At one point, Woo taught Creyelman how to use an app to transfer cryptocurrency.

Creyelman appears to have had little success in fulfilling the tasks assigned by Woo in the texts. In June 2021, for example, he admitted that he “tried to oppose . . . without success” a resolution in the Belgian parliament that declared Uyghurs at risk of genocide.

In 2019, Woo asked Creyelman to arrange publication of an article pushing back against pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong. Creyelman said he could pay a freelance journalist who would charge at least €2,000.

The Brussels-based journalist, James Wilson, said he had been approached by Creyelman for “work on China” but “politely declined” and that writing stories for payment was “against my principles”.

Not entirely sure China is getting value for money there

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.
https://www.scmp.com/economy/china-economy/article/3245221/china-hits-back-economic-war-words-some-people-ulterior-motives-fabricate-threats

quote:

China’s national security apparatus vowed on Friday to fight back against a narrative war over its economic condition, elevating the issue about how to describe the status quo and outlook of the Chinese economy to the level of economic security.
The statement from the Ministry of State Security came three days after the tone-setting central economic work conference, during which President Xi Jinping pledged to maintain economic stability, guide public opinion and play up China’s “bright prospects” in 2024.

The economic domain has become a “battlefield” of superpower rivalry, and dealing with various clichés denigrating China’s economy has become an external challenge, the ministry said on its WeChat account.

“Talk concerning China’s decline is in essence an intention to create a ‘narrative trap’ or a ‘cognitive distortion’,” it said.

“It aims to doubt or deny China’s socialist system and attempts to strategically contain China’s development.

“There are some people with ulterior motives. They are fabricating a China threat again … with the intention to disrupt market expectations and economic growth momentum.”

I mentioned narrative traps 话语陷阱 earlier

(interior ministries are, of course, prone to being staffed by authoritarian securocrats, just as foreign ministries are prone to be staffed by internationalist liberals. That's not different in China)

Domestic coverage: https://finance.sina.cn/2023-12-15/detail-imzyaizc4856039.d.html

Release: https://news.sina.cn/gn/2023-12-15/detail-imzxzxmc7288008.d.html

In softer approaches:

https://twitter.com/Sino_Market/status/1735529238592389288

KOL=key opinion leaders

ronya fucked around with this message at 12:46 on Dec 16, 2023

GoutPatrol
Oct 17, 2009

*Stupid Babby*

There is a part of me very interested yet also wanting absolutely nothing to do with the economic "vibes" discourse inside China.

Staluigi
Jun 22, 2021

GoutPatrol posted:

There is a part of me very interested yet also wanting absolutely nothing to do with the economic "vibes" discourse inside China.

You are encouraged by the government to express your true and genuine feelings about the economic vibes, and may in fact choose from any economic assessment in this list for describing the condition of the economy:

- great!

- great with chinese characteristics!

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.
barro and gordon meets green lantern theory of the macroeconomy meets chinese communism's longstanding fascination with mass mobilization

great with chinese characteristics, indeed

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.
https://twitter.com/Sino_Market/status/1736642918805626964

1.8m = 5'11"

Ma has no special sauce skillset in green tech or agribusiness; this is well into the bureaucrats-backing-Renault stage of industrial policy

https://twitter.com/michaelxpettis/status/1736618920348701006

Pettis is hot on the idea of a cross-border financier/industrialist suppression of domestic wages and therefore consumption, but I've never found it entirely convincing as a thesis: in fact, spending on built infrastructure is consumption as long as economic actors do not behave as if it will generate a return. "So why do they do so: who or what is puffing up these future growth projections" is the question relevant to political economy.

Herstory Begins Now
Aug 5, 2003
SOME REALLY TEDIOUS DUMB SHIT THAT SUCKS ASS TO READ ->>
Been reflecting on this for the last week or so, but it connects to the ending of your last post, but man I remember the heady days 5-10 years ago where it was pretty much a meme that any company that even remotely had a business applicable to China would all list in their earning reports 'future planned expansion into Chinese markets potentially worth xyz billions' as one of the positive factors looking forward. China's reputation for huge economic growth gave them so much soft power and I can only imagine how tangibly the loss of a lot of that reputation is felt these days. reputation is maybe a charitable word because it was more of a collectively useful fiction for everyone involved: western companies got one more somewhat plausible thing to put on their quarterly reports that promised a vast payday down the road as long as no one rocked the boat and China certainly enjoyed the benefits of many, many companies bending over backwards for the chance to do business there and a sort of mutual agreement to not look at the whole thing too closely..

small matter that ultimately only a miniscule percentage of those planned expansions into the chinese market ever took place and those that did had about a thousand times more local competition than they'd imagined, in addition to myriad other issues.

i fly airplanes
Sep 6, 2010


I STOLE A PIE FROM ESTELLE GETTY
https://x.com/ncri_io/status/1737948525340615118?s=46

Looks like Tiktok is NOT okay and neither are the kids

Shooting Blanks
Jun 6, 2007

Real bullets mess up how cool this thing looks.

-Blade



ronya posted:

https://twitter.com/Sino_Market/status/1736642918805626964

1.8m = 5'11"

Ma has no special sauce skillset in green tech or agribusiness; this is well into the bureaucrats-backing-Renault stage of industrial policy

Eh, Alibaba has a massive logistics arm that will serve them well for parts of this. Getting into aquaculture and frozen processing makes a ton of sense given just how large the Chinese deep-water fishing fleet has gotten, and how much pushback they're getting from various nations. The SCS is increasingly bare, but there is still a massive demand in China for seafood - it's just good business. Not sure what the wind power R&D will be about, the real question here is whether Jack Ma will pull a Musk and try to stay deeply involved, or if he's purely an investor/figurehead. If it's the latter, I wouldn't be surprised if the new venture takes off.

Herstory Begins Now posted:

Been reflecting on this for the last week or so, but it connects to the ending of your last post, but man I remember the heady days 5-10 years ago where it was pretty much a meme that any company that even remotely had a business applicable to China would all list in their earning reports 'future planned expansion into Chinese markets potentially worth xyz billions' as one of the positive factors looking forward. China's reputation for huge economic growth gave them so much soft power and I can only imagine how tangibly the loss of a lot of that reputation is felt these days. reputation is maybe a charitable word because it was more of a collectively useful fiction for everyone involved: western companies got one more somewhat plausible thing to put on their quarterly reports that promised a vast payday down the road as long as no one rocked the boat and China certainly enjoyed the benefits of many, many companies bending over backwards for the chance to do business there and a sort of mutual agreement to not look at the whole thing too closely..

small matter that ultimately only a miniscule percentage of those planned expansions into the chinese market ever took place and those that did had about a thousand times more local competition than they'd imagined, in addition to myriad other issues.

This happens in every economic cycle, companies try to latch onto the Hot New Thing in an effort to pump up their valuation, attract investors, etc. You saw it with social media when Facebook was on the ascent, data analytics, cryptocurrency, remote work technology during COVID, the metaverse (briefly), and currently AI is the darling of capitalism. I don't think many of those companies seriously considered pivoting to China, and most of the ones that even investigated it simply said "Nope, too hard/expensive."

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.

Shooting Blanks posted:

Eh, Alibaba has a massive logistics arm that will serve them well for parts of this. Getting into aquaculture and frozen processing makes a ton of sense given just how large the Chinese deep-water fishing fleet has gotten, and how much pushback they're getting from various nations. The SCS is increasingly bare, but there is still a massive demand in China for seafood - it's just good business. Not sure what the wind power R&D will be about, the real question here is whether Jack Ma will pull a Musk and try to stay deeply involved, or if he's purely an investor/figurehead. If it's the latter, I wouldn't be surprised if the new venture takes off.

I would guess it's more that both industries are currently accepted as high quality development investment sectors: deep water fishing/fish processing, and wind power; its value to Jack Ma is repairing his shaky political position.

Politically, well, let me sketch some precedent for disappearing CEOs and cowing them into investing in desired strategic sectors instead of whatever strikes their fancy:

quote:

Park’s technocracy

In addition to pursuing reform at the local level, reform of the bureaucracy continued to be a top priority for the military junta. In conjunction with the purges discussed earlier, the recruitment of new elite officers to the junta government laid the foundation of Park’s strong state. According to one source, the number of professors involved totaled 470, many already involved in sub-committees of the SCNR’s National Planning Committee, including sub-committees on politics, the economy, culture, law and planning (Yi Sangu 1993: 320). This figure does not include professors who were invited separately by Park, then Chairman of the SCNR, and his personal advisers, and those mobilized by Kim Chongp’il for the establishment of the Policy Research Institute, which became the Korean Central Intelligence Agency on 10 June 1961. The SCNR undertook further comprehensive restructuring of government administration in October 1961, modeled ostensibly on US Military Planning and Programs (Choson Ilbosa 1996: 228–31).

The SCNR had been particularly active in recruiting the nation’s outstanding talent to plan and implement economic and industry development programs. Many individuals from the private sector who became leading technocrats, like Kim Chongnyom and O Wonch’ol, were among those recruited. An examination of the structure of the Ministry of Commerce and Industry (MCI)7 prior to 1961 helps to understand the lack of Korea’s bureaucratic capacity under post-war governments to boost industrial development. Until the May 16 coup in 1961, the MCI had been headed by a minister and deputy minister and four directors-general who managed four bureaus: Industry (Kongopguk), Mining (Kwangmuguk), Electricity (Chon’giguk) and Commerce and Trade (Sangmuguk). Below the directors-general stood middle-ranking officers, with the title of kwajang (directors or heads of departments), and then kyejang (section heads). Technological officers were graded under the category of kukchang, with the highest rank in this category being that of kigam (technological supervisor).8 Most senior positions in the ministry were held by administrative staff while the technological experts were systematically sidelined or weeded out.

Against this background, Minister Chong Naehyok, a Major-General and a graduate of the Japanese Military Academy who took over the MCI in May 1961 under the junta administration, instigated a radical clean-up of the ministry, dismissing many senior officers. This purge, undertaken under one of the Six Pledges of the junta government, was carried out under the slogan, “Sweep away old evils” (Kuak ilso). The outcome was a thorough restructuring of the MCI. Two assistant deputy ministers, Ham Inyong and Song Ch’anyong, were appointed, the former in charge of mining, industry and electricity, and the latter in charge of commerce and trade.9 The Office of Planning and Management was added in August 1962.

The significance of Minister Chong’s restructuring was that, unlike his predecessors of the First and Second Republic (1948–60 and 1960–1), he appointed elite technicians as director-general to three of the MCI’s four bureaus (other than the Bureau of Commerce and Trade). As a result, both assistant deputy ministers and three out of the four directors-general in the MCI were highly qualified technological experts, or simply technocrats. Director-level appointments were also filled with young elite engineers and experts from other areas, especially commerce and economics. Many had worked for the US military in Korea. For example, a large number of senior officers in the MCI in 1962 (including Deputy Minister Pak Ch’unghun, an assistant deputy minister, two directors-general and two directors) had been technical officer cadets in the class of 1950 conscripted for the Korean War who had worked with the US Air Force.10

A highly self-disciplined military-style administrative structure was thus established with a range of extraordinary disciplines and controls on staff, some of which were clearly politically motivated. In the case of the MCI, the entire Ministry undertook compulsory “thought training” for a week at the National Defense College in Susaek, Seoul. This “training” was, in effect, similar to that required by Kim Il Sung in North Korea, and amounted to a cultural revolution at the corporate level. In addition, the entire public service was subject to tight scrutiny by the “Joint Investigation Team” led by the SCNR’s Inspection Committee on Irregularities of the Public Service (Kongmuwon piwi chosa wiwonhoe).11 It has been claimed that in this process almost one-sixth of the entire civil service of 240,000 was dismissed (Oh 1999:124). Indeed, the 1963 National Civil Service Law marked the beginning of Korea’s meritocratic bureaucracy in which, according to Lee Hahn Been, civil servants were promoted on the basis of merit rather than seniority (1982: 223–4). Accordingly, the newly formed Park technocracy consisted of two “new generation” elite groups: (a) technocrats and (b) a blend of former military generals, corporate managers and professional administrators.

As a whole, these groups displayed three distinct characteristics. First, they were highly qualified professionals with a strong sense of self-discipline and a focus on efficiency and achieving goals. Second, they had a clear understanding of the essential difference between their own bureaucratic managerial power and that of their political masters who held ultimate governing power. Third, they had no illusions about Park’s national development agenda.

This is not to say that Park’s technocracy was not criticized for disturbing Korea’s value-system and for instilling a “short-cut mentality” (p’yonpob juui) in the minds of the Korean people, the bureaucracy and the business community (Han Wansang 1989: 194–202).12 Another source of criticism was the application of familism and regionalism in Park’s technocracy. The former applied familial or school ties to the allocation of career opportunities in the bureaucracy and other state enterprises.13 Regionalism meant the allocation of sites for the construction of industrial complexes, as well as appointments to high-ranking political and military positions, to Park’s home region, North and South Kyongsang Provinces, which, by the mid-1970s, would become the center of Korea’s industrial development.

In addition to these areas of concern, the economic bureaucrats of Park’s technocracy were divided, as early as the mid-1960s, into the economists of the Economic Planning Board (EPB) and the engineer technocrats of the Ministry of Commerce and Industry (MCI). This split became particularly evident when, in March 1967, the Ministry of Science and Technology (Kwahak kisulch’o) was established and the EPB was left with no engineering technocrats after the closure of its Bureau of Science and Technology. From that time, there emerged a difference in approach to economic policy between the EPB’s economists and the MCI’s technocrats. Whereas the economists in the EPB preferred a macro-economic approach, the technocrats in the MCI pursued micro-economic policies. This difference in policy approach would subsequently lead to Park shifting his preference in terms of economic policy from the EPB policymakers on whom he had relied at first to those of the MCI, especially after the appointment of Kim Chongnyom as his chief of staff in October 1969 (see Chapter 7).

Guided capitalism and the first Five-Year Plan

From the outset, Park planned to manage economic development through state-led intervention in industrial enterprises under his guided capitalism. According to Park’s writings in 1962, guided capitalism was a system of economic management designed to create an economic order that would guarantee the “equalization of income and public benefit from the economy” (1962b: 217). Park claimed to uphold simultaneously the egalitarian ideals of equality in distribution and free competition.

However, he saw the government’s role in the course of national development as that of an industry manager or a opportunities for all can be guaranteed by free competition (1962b: 218). He noted:

> Where the appalling power of mammoth enterprise is concerned only with private profit under a self-assumed assertion of contribution to national development, there is no free competition... Therefore, the state’s coordination and supervisory guidance of mammoth economic strength, especially that of private enterprise, becomes a key issue in a free economic policy.

The greatest challenge to Park in implementing his economic strategy was to establish a bureaucratic system powerful enough to resist the “overwhelming pressure on legislative and admiistrative organs [from proprietors of large enterprises] to get laws favorable to them” (Park Chung Hee 1962b: 217). He believed that the negative activities of these business tycoons in the past had simply represented “a head-on clash with free economic activities and . . . a betrayal of democratic principles” (Park Chung Hee 1962b: 217). This is not to say that his own method was any different. For example, Park introduced “guided capitalism” through the first FiveYear Economic Development Plan which, according to him, was designed to ensure that the activities of leading businessmen (chaebol) did not “betray” so-called “democratic principles.”

To initiate a draft of the first Five-Year Plan, Park is known to have directed, within a week of the coup, three young economists – Kim Songbom, 37; Chong Soyong, 29, who held a Ph.D. in economics; and Paek Yongch’an, 32 – to complete a draft plan within 80 days, that is, before 15 August, Liberation Day. Like many elite economists and technicians at that time, they had been specially recruited by the Supreme Council for National Reconstruction (SCNR). According to Chungang Ilbo (Daily), Paek was the only one of these with previous experience in longterm planning, having drafted two long-term seven- and five-year development plans under the Rhee and Chang Governments respectively (Chungang Ilbo 1998: 124). The draft plan was in fact completed within 60 days and was designed to double gross national product (GNP) and national income within ten years by maintaining economic growth at an annual average rate of 7.1 percent.

On 22 July 1961, the SCNR officially announced the draft plan now formally known as the “Comprehensive Economic Development Five-Year Plan” (Chonghap kyongje kaebal 5-gaenyon kyehoek), as well as the establishment of the EPB which took over responsibility for the Five-Year Plan. It was at this time that Park apparently directed the EPB to draw up an “operational plan” in detail. Song Chongbom, who was the first deputy director of the EPB, stated that, in the course of drawing up the “operational plan,” the planners referred to several models, including the Nathan Report (published in 1954 and the basis of the Rhee Government’s three-year plan that was overtaken by the April Revolution) and the five-year plans of Malaysia and India (Chungang Ilbo 1998: 128).15

Thus Park’s five-year development plan was by no means the first in Korea’s development planning history.16 However, some researchers’ suggestion that Park and his military junta’s final draft plan, known as the “May 1961 plan,” “drew heavily” from the Chang Government (Wolf 1962: 24) needs to be understood in the context of the stage in planning reached by the Chang Government. The Chang Government had no longterm development plan until April 1961 when the National Assembly officially adopted a resolution calling for “long-range planning” which did not reach the US Embassy until two weeks after the military coup. Given this background, it is reasonable to assume that the planners of the military junta’s final draft, the May 1961 plan, may well have drawn ideas from available sources, including long-term plans of both the Chang and Rhee Governments.

The May 1961 plan, nevertheless, attracted severe criticism for various reasons. Some members of the SCNR, for example, ridiculed it saying, “What sort of happy-go-lucky Five-Year Plan is this, while right now [the nation] has nothing to eat?” (Chungang Ilbo 1998: 127) In its first draft, according to Professor Song Ch’anghwan, a member of the Advisory Committee of the EPB at that time, the plan “tended to lean excessively toward a planned economy (kihoek kyongje)” and thus, after some consultation, the EPB revised it so that it “focused on [the framework of] a mixed economy (honhap kyongje)” (Chungang Ilbo 1998: 127). The harshest criticism, however, came from the US in November 1961 when Park took the final May 1961 plan with him on his visit to Washington. The US State Department reportedly labeled it a mere “shopping list.” The May 1961 plan was formally announced in January 1962 as the first Five-Year Plan (1962–6).17

Despite radical revision in mid-1964,18 the first Five-Year Plan (FYP) was a most important blueprint for the initial phase of Park’s guided capitalism, directing the workings of the Park administration, especially in its dealings with owner–managers of leading business groups, the chaebol. Park established a Confucian military-style master–student relationship between the government and the business community. Moreover, the first FYP provided Park with the public policy required to impose what he termed “administrative controls” (Park Chung Hee 1962b: 214) over every business group, and simultaneously shielded him from any unwanted challenges from the business community.

Nothing would illustrate the effectiveness of the “administrative controls” on the business community more than the SCNR’s arrest of fifty-one prominent businessmen on the charge of “illicit profiteering,”19 and thus the confiscation of their property, following the “Special Measure for the Control of Illicit Profiteering” on 28 May 1961. These leading businessmen were released on 30 June, only after they had signed an agreement stating: “I will donate all my property when the government requires it for national construction” (Cited in O Wonch’ol HGKKS vol. 1: 19). Yi Pyongch’ol, founder of Samsung and Korea’s largest business conglomerate, who was in Tokyo at the time, reportedly sent his agreement from Japan.20

In effect, most Korean businessmen were placed on parole. Their freedom depended strictly on their business performance and their cooperation with the SCNR, which had to fit Park’s notion of “serving the nation.” In return, Park’s guided capitalism offered extensive measures of industry support, such as unprecedented protection and privileges, including foreign loan guarantees, financial subsidies, protection from independent unionism and a fixed-wage system.21 These measures were specifically designed to create large-scale national enterprises through existing chaebol. In particular, the government’s foreign loan guarantee system (enacted in July 1962) allowed big business to access massive borrowings from abroad.

O Wonchol commented in 1994:

> On 16 August 1961, only three months after the coup and on the date when the Promotional Committee for Economic Reconstruction was changed into the Federation of Korean Businessmen, the race among business leaders had just begun not only for Korea’s industrialization, but also for their own great leap to become chaebol. This was so because these so-called “illicit profiteers” were the government’s choice to become the owner-developers of industries under the Five-Year Plan.
(Interview with O Wonchol, October 1994)

By convicting business leaders, nationalizing the five major banks (Emergency Banking Measure, 16 June 1962) and declaring currency reform (Emergency Currency Measure, 9 June 1962), Park swiftly imposed government controls over the key mechanisms needed for state-guided capitalism. The declaration of these Emergency Measures infuriated US representatives in Seoul because the Park regime had neither consulted nor informed the US before they were announced. In fact, the US became so furious with Park’s currency reform that Edward Rice, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, warned Korean ambassador Chong Ilgwon that: “If U.S. efforts are to be nullified, we must reassess assistance policy” (Quoted in MacDonald 1992: 218). Five weeks later, on 13 July, the Park administration announced the cancellation of the currency reform.

Park’s attempts to raise domestic capital stirred up numerous political, economic, social and diplomatic crises without achieving his primary objective: to establish immediate economic capacity based on Korea’s own “national capital” (minjok chabon). By recalling all Korean cash and exchanging it for new cash, Park and his military clique aimed to trace and mobilize the Korean people’s savings, whether deposited in the banks or privately hidden. However, Park quickly discovered that no Korean, regardless of whether rich or poor, had much cash in hand. As another desperate effort to mobilize capital, Park also proclaimed the Stock Exchange Act (on 15 January 1962), but this reform measure also failed to help the state raise the required revenue. Nevertheless, by pursuing a comprehensive strategy of guided capitalism through the first Five-Year Plan and various reform measures, Park succeeded in establishing state control over the banks, thereby laying the foundation for long-range economic development planning. A critical factor in stable control over longterm planning was the business agreement between Park and the thirteen most prominent “illicit profiteers.”

Chaeobol training

Chaebol training On 17 July 1961, three days after their release from nearly two months’ detention, Park commissioned thirteen “illicit profiteers” to establish the Promotional Committee for Economic Reconstruction (PCER), the forerunner of the Federation of Korean Industries. The thirteenmember PCER’s aim was to implement a program of industry development by drawing up a plan for six key industries: cement, synthetic fiber, electricity, fertilizer, iron and oil refinery. The PCER decided that these industries, except for oil refining, which was to be managed directly by the government, would be divided among its 13 members. Accordingly, cement went to Kumsong Textile (presently Ssangyong); fertilizer to both Samsung and Samho Textile; electricity to Taehan Milling; iron to Taehan Cement, Kukdong Marine, Taehan Industry, and Tongyang Cement; and synthetic fiber to Hwasin, Choson Silk Mill and Han’guk Glass.

The business leaders, led by Yi Pyongch’ol, the first Chairman of the PCER, proposed to build factories first in order to maximize their available capital, and after that to pay their allotted penalties, due by 31 December, by donating company shares. The requirement that they venture into areas of production unfamiliar to their established operations appears to have been a deliberate tactic by the PCER to “force” new commercial links, new ideas and new technology. Although the promise to pay penalties by “donating company shares” was rarely kept, these leading business leaders had no illusions about the state’s absolute power over their businesses. The consequences of challenging or resisting the state’s first Five-Year Plan were severe, whether in terms of their business or their personal safety.

For example, Ku Inhoe, the founder of Lucky-Goldstar and one of the “illicit profiteers,” was ordered to build a cable factory. He would have preferred to build a textile factory, similar to that operated by Pak Hungsik, owner–manager of Hwasin Department Chain Stores. But in April 1962, exactly four years before the completion of Lucky-Goldstar’s Han’guk Cable Company, Ku was summoned by Colonel Yu Wonsik, Chairman of SCNR’s Commerce and Industry Committee, and ordered to build the cable factory. He was also ordered to conclude a foreign loan contract for its construction “within a week” (Interview with O Wonch’ol, October 1997). Ku apparently struggled to explain to Yu the difficulty and complexity of loan negotiations with a foreign company, let alone completing a loan contract within a week. All he achieved was a one-week extension with some harsh “lessons.”

Although details of this episode are not documented, which is not surprising, Ku, like many industrial proprietors at that time, seems to have received much more than “verbal” lessons. It took around just ten days for Ku’s company, Lucky-Goldstar, to complete a loan contract of US$2.95 million with Fuhrmeister, a West German company, which had clearly taken extraordinary steps to help address Ku’s needs. This incident undoubtedly was one example of what Park later termed a “surgical operation,” which he imposed on many prominent people, especially leading chaebol who were “punished severely,” in Park’s words, “in the name of our nation” (1962b: 201).22 Here Park’s low tolerance toward business leaders, especially in the state’s planning and implementation of industry development, is noteworthy because it was the application of this state-guidance paradigm that Park would further intensify from January 1973 when he declared heavy and chemical industrialization under the Yusin system (see Chapter 8).

After this incident, no business leaders, including Ku, dared to resist directly the directives that emanated from the SCNR’s industrial planning committees. Ironically, this less-favored option of a cable factory laid the foundation of the Lucky-Goldstar chaebol. The most remarkable aspect of Lucky-Goldstar’s building of the company Han’guk Cable, however, was that it became a “test” case for Park’s single-minded industry development carried out in Korea’s “own” national interest in the face of US opposition, and led to a court case that lasted for nearly three years from May 1963 to the company’s completion in April 1966.23 In this respect, although it unfolded some years later, the widely known story behind the construction of Pohang Iron & Steel Co., or POSCO, also reflects Park’s mode of industry development, focused on Korea’s own interests and own decision-making.24 The dramatic change in business leaders’ attitudes toward the SCNR and, more specifically, to Park’s leadership, came about through this process. Moreover, leading members of the Federation of Korean Industry (FKI) such as Yi Pyongch’ol, Nam Kungyon, Yi Chongrim, and Chong Chaeho subsequently played active roles in both advising on industry development, as well as traveling overseas to attract foreign capital for investment in Korea (Kim Yongt’ae 1990: 146–9).

What is similar? In early 2010s China one would draw many similar lessons on what is to be done following the Jiang and Hu administrations: to eliminate corruption and to centralize in Beijing the ability for technocrats, who have articulated the clear challenges China faces, the ability to do something about those risks in the face of entrenched interests. This has been Xi's self-imposed great challenge and his administration has succeeded massively by that metric.

What is different? 1960s Korea is deeply starved of capital (as is much of the rest of the world in the 1960s) and Park risks everything to obtain more, even the US-RoK relationship itself. The PRC today has the opposite problem: it has more savings than it can efficiently deploy, especially with fierce demographic headwinds impinging on its future growth and an increasingly hostile export market (no forthcoming decade of the US fighting in Vietnam here!). So: a mandate to seize and mobilize but not much clarity on what to invest in or how the coercion adds value, all whilst it is apparent that Alibaba Group cannot be taken for granted as an automatic winner in its own core competencies.

ronya fucked around with this message at 15:03 on Dec 22, 2023

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.
https://twitter.com/liqian_ren/status/1738936476803485966

A microcosm of the larger spasm over the new gaming regulations

China can have culture wars too

Raenir Salazar
Nov 5, 2010

College Slice
I feel like technically it started the Culture Wars with the whole Cultural Revolution.

I have never seen more rapid reactionaries, people who are full "I hate political correctness grr, it is my right to use every slur, the left in the US is no different from the red guard!" than like people who came over from China/Hong Kong.

Tei
Feb 19, 2011

[bad post]

Edit:
Sorry, I made a bad post. My post asked if we are going to see something like Japan "Lost Decade" in china.

Tei fucked around with this message at 00:23 on Dec 25, 2023

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.
My reply to your vowel-variant cousin:

ronya posted:

I don't foresee a sharp stop in this way. Beijing has firmly signalled that they will stabilize housing, and they have considerable policy space within which to do so (by e.g. lightly loosening restrictions accumulated over the past decade in T1 cities). Likewise, the formidable dollar reserve will be mobilized to defend the yuan. A new industry has been found also to consume steel and heavy industrial production, namely EVs and green tech (hence the remarkably stable prices for steel despite the real estate slowdown); China will double down on these just as it doubled down on housing once in 2008-2011 (and will eventually recognize that these were not all 'high-quality investments' sometime in 2028 - but point is, it will smooth out the shock over time).

This market guidance will come at a steep price (e.g. running down that dollar reserve at a poor time) but I would forecast that Beijing will pay that price. A funny possibility is mismanagement to the extent of exhausting willingness to draw upon that reserve and thus triggering a self-inflicted forex crisis, but that would entail a truly mind-boggling level of mismanagement; I don't regard that as likely.

A bill is still paid for these problems, but it would come in the form of slower growth than previously projected (noting that by "slow" here we mean slower than an East Asian Tiger state, but still considerably faster than (say) India). It is bad relative to ambitious projections of global power but many countries would give their eye teeth to have such problems. I fly airplanes alludes to the official 2030 GDP convergence target above; I would guess it would be missed.

e: speaking of: http://politics.people.com.cn/n1/2023/1101/c1024-40107386.html; notably absent is the "房子是用来住的,不是用来炒的" slogan, as has been observed for a couple of meetings this year

if you look at the gross statistics and assume that China dispositionally will have a trajectory of convergence toward Japan, the US, Western Europe, etc. then it doesn't seem like China is overinvesting in built infrastructure or in investment generally - lower levels of capital deepening, lower levels of urbanization, lower coverage of highways

this is the position taken by China bulls more generally in the Chinese financial press

conversely, in the present it can be observed that the municipal + provincial debt load is very high (arguing about net debt with central govt has faded since Beijing has signalled refusal to bail out, at least in theory) to fund investment specifically, and yet growth is low: already so low that it is apparent that current debt is not justified by future growth, never mind future debt

https://twitter.com/michaelxpettis/status/1738215357603586429

a thinking of "okay, what if we kept investing but instead of investing in bad projects we decided to invest in good projects only" turns out to be nontrivial to implement

fart simpson
Jul 2, 2005

DEATH TO AMERICA
:xickos:


this doesn’t follow at all. an infrastructure project could be productive in ways that doesn’t fund the local government. like, what id if leads to greater income tax revenues that go straight to beijing? or what if the time for a local government to see a financial return takes a long time and they’re in debt now? etc

Stringent
Dec 22, 2004


image text goes here

fart simpson posted:

this doesn’t follow at all. an infrastructure project could be productive in ways that doesn’t fund the local government. like, what id if leads to greater income tax revenues that go straight to beijing? or what if the time for a local government to see a financial return takes a long time and they’re in debt now? etc

no, you don't understand, if every dime generated doesn't feed directly to the FIRE sectors your economy is a complete failure, this is economics 101.

Raenir Salazar
Nov 5, 2010

College Slice

fart simpson posted:

this doesn’t follow at all. an infrastructure project could be productive in ways that doesn’t fund the local government. like, what id if leads to greater income tax revenues that go straight to beijing? or what if the time for a local government to see a financial return takes a long time and they’re in debt now? etc

I think the issue being things like the "empty cities" or bridges/highways to no where. Paying people to dig and refill holes isn't as efficient as making a building that gets rented to people for business and residency which spurs additional economic activity.

Basically the issue is precisely that they aren't likely to produce any economic value, whether locally or centrally for literal decades as I understand it, while that debt still has to be serviced at rates that require that economic activity to pick up the slack much sooner than that.

A rich country can afford some waste to provide services to its citizens but China is not that rich and isn't going to get rich enough fast enough for this kind of reckless expansion of local debt.

Morrow
Oct 31, 2010
Pettis's consistent theme is that China needs to generate domestic demand through consumption, not government activity. But this requires a big rebalance of the economy that will be very politically difficult, since right now wealth is funneled out of households and into businesses.

He's not a finance guy, he's an international trade/macro guy. He's pretty critical of (economic) inequality for non-leftist reasons.

Josef bugman
Nov 17, 2011

Pictured: Poster prepares to celebrate Holy Communion (probablY)

This avatar made possible by a gift from the Religionthread Posters Relief Fund

Raenir Salazar posted:

I think the issue being things like the "empty cities" or bridges/highways to no where. Paying people to dig and refill holes isn't as efficient as making a building that gets rented to people for business and residency which spurs additional economic activity.

Didn't the ghost cities turn out to be just planned out cities that are now filling with folks?

Raenir Salazar
Nov 5, 2010

College Slice

Josef bugman posted:

Didn't the ghost cities turn out to be just planned out cities that are now filling with folks?

I assume by "turned out to be" you probably had some story shared to you which implied this, but what is the actual data? I'm on my phone but a quick google shows for me one of the top results suggesting there are 50,000,000 empty units, and a 2021 article suggesting 65,000,000.

The assertion here isn't that every ghost city was ultimately unproductive, but that there are a number that didn't, and don't seem like they will become productive in local districts that are poorer and won't make due on that debt in a reasonable timeframe. It's not that they built new developments and housing and they all stand empty, but that there's some areas where they apparently didn't make sense and won't ever be productive.

Because a local municipality that builds like a new urban core that stands vacant for 15 years before it sees any use is a lot of debt and interest payments that it still has to pay in the meantime, without any economic activity to justify it for most of that time, and these local areas aren't rich enough to support this on their own.

mawarannahr
May 21, 2019

Raenir Salazar posted:

The assertion here isn't that every ghost city was ultimately unproductive, but that there are a number that didn't, and don't seem like they will become productive in local districts that are poorer and won't make due on that debt in a reasonable timeframe. It's not that they built new developments and housing and they all stand empty, but that there's some areas where they apparently didn't make sense and won't ever be productive.
It was the assertion

Darkest Auer posted:

Also there's zero maintenance on top of that shoddy construction. All those ghost towns built in the last 10 years are already unlivable and crumbling to pieces on their own.

Darkest Auer posted:

The anti-corruption thing is, as usual, just a way to remove political rivals. The only development the CCP is interested in is their (Canadian) bank accounts and building useless ghost cities in order to launder public money.

Grand Fromage posted:

Building apartment blocks no one wants or will ever live in has been supplying like 15% of China's economy. The ghost cities are crazy, whole gigantic cities for a million+ people with maybe ten thousand living there. It's completely unsustainable and unless the CCP has some sort of magic ability to dictate away the problem it's going to gently caress things up hard when it inevitably collapses.

(USER WAS PUT ON PROBATION FOR THIS POST)

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.

fart simpson posted:

this doesn’t follow at all. an infrastructure project could be productive in ways that doesn’t fund the local government. like, what id if leads to greater income tax revenues that go straight to beijing? or what if the time for a local government to see a financial return takes a long time and they’re in debt now? etc

that would only work if Beijing is then willing to ride to the rescue of local government budgets (and off-budget shadow risks i.e. the sprawling LGFVs), which the Ministry of Finance has signalled it is not this past year

(the author Pettis is quoting is advocating that Beijing should, indeed, assume these debts, arguing that the debts have been accrued to meet de facto unfunded mandates (I don't think Pettis is taking this point aboard, but that's the source's larger argument). This is perhaps misapprehending that the status quo where the center exercises tight debt-imposed discipline over the periphery is very much to the center's liking and has been the whole shape of post-1994 tax reform in general. But this is not really apropos to the specific point Pettis is citing)

it is certainly possible to say that actually these debt loads are generally profitable and just have a very long payoff period! but this is perhaps not Beijing's assessment of the status quo. The push toward high-quality development is premised on the tacit acknowledgment that a lot of recent investment has not, in fact, been high-quality development. The push toward local government austerity is premised on the notion that local governments have been spendthrift. The perspective in China itself is perhaps more strikingly neoliberal and skeptical of govt spending than you might guess

WarpedLichen
Aug 14, 2008


I think there's a lot of politics going on that makes it hard to get an accurate grasp of the full story.

Looking at a relatively prominent example: Kangbashi

Initially reported as a ghost town in 2009 it had a population of supposedly 30k.

Forbes from 2016 cites it as a success when the population bounced to 100,000.
https://www.forbes.com/sites/wadesh...sh=15641d492327

quote:

The original plan for Ordos Kangbashi called for a new district for a million people by 2023, roughly 20 years after construction began. However, Kangbashi’s original concept was scaled down to a city for 500,000 during its early phases of development, and later on to 300,000 due to a slowdown caused by a crash in coal prices — Ordos’s main commodity and economic lifeblood.

Now in 2020 the population is 118,000 according to this link from wikipedia:
http://www.citypopulation.de/en/china/neimenggu/admin/

So I would say of Kangbashi:
- did it eventually become a habitable city? yes
- did it meet expectations? probably not

I think there's a deeper question about whether building infrastructure where it can potentially sit underutilized for a decade+ an interesting one, but that gets drowned out by people trying to say yay/no to the whole thing. Is a 1/3 occupancy rate normal or is it excessive?

At the same time, when you read something like this:
https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Society/China-s-largest-ghost-city-booms-again-thanks-to-education-fever

You have to wonder how much of that demand was just being siphoned from existing areas that could've been developed more cheaply.

Kavros
May 18, 2011

sleep sleep sleep
fly fly post post
sleep sleep sleep

Tei posted:

My post asked if we are going to see something like Japan "Lost Decade" in china.

I'm not sure if anyone has a clear answer to that, but something else really sticks out for me after hundreds of conversations with people who lived and worked in china recently, whether they've moved to different countries or stayed there: they're probably going to have a "miserable decade" — one where, whether or not Line Reportedly Goes Up, people just feel overworked, aimless, and completely unhappy.

I emotionally struggle with the regularity with which these stories come out either to me or my family. It's always just "I'm miserable and I have no time for anything" and people who are consistently grim about how there's pretty much zero labor protections that make them feel like it's not a sink or swim nightmare.

But it's not just an issue of overwork (or china sort of shaping out to be like the opposite of any kind of worker's state), it's some element of cultural sterilization at play in the background, or something I guess I just don't have the words for. locations, events, and the people responsible for a sense of community, arts, culture, or belonging (which westerners are tentatively describing in terms like "third places") have been getting culled off at a frightening rate. the growing ease with which you can stumble over the line of acceptable expression became so capricious, shifting, and severe that performance and pop culture has essentially gone into a survival lockdown mode, as have the venues that would have allowed this, and everything else feels like it's some hybrid of Party Certified and Commerce Department Board Approved, designed like an advertisement.


So, as time goes on, I'm less going to wonder about whatever story the party has for itself about how great the economy is doing, and more wonder about how few people in china are actually happy or financially secure. and that's one story that always, ALWAYS gets answered by the question of if people are still having kids (or, depending on how strongly autocracy factors into the mix, how insistently the government looks like it desires to 'encourage' women back to matriarchal roles)

BrainDance
May 8, 2007

Disco all night long!

Kavros posted:

how there's pretty much zero labor protections that make them feel like it's not a sink or swim nightmare.

I'm not disagreeing with you, but I am wondering what other labor protections they could even have?

Because my observation and experience hasn't been that there's a lack of labor protections exactly, it's just that they're absolutely unenforced and unfollowed. If you dig into Chinese labor law, in a lot of ways it actually is very pro-labor and there are plenty of laws that cover a whole lot of things. Then, though, you have a few problems.
The bureaus that are supposed to enforce them just sorta don't, even when the exploited person does ask them to unless you go there with a lawyer which costs an unreasonable amount for most Chinese workers.
Even if they did, most people just aren't aware of them or are unwilling to do it for whatever reason.
And even if they wanted to, company blacklists do exist in China (even if they may not be legal, either) where the employee who actually gets what they're owed is never working in that industry ever again.
And even then, you have corruption. Party member boss knows a dude down at the labor bureau and manages to get a light warning for just a little bit of wage theft and some light unsafe working conditions.

I suspect that the majority of employment contracts in China contain plenty of illegal clauses (though I dunno, this has just been what I've seen. I've actually never seen one that didn't, and I'm not talking Happy Giraffe English School contracts) that are enforced by the company and also ignored when it benefits them. A lot of this probably would be helped a lot by actual functioning unions, but that's not the case.

Kavros
May 18, 2011

sleep sleep sleep
fly fly post post
sleep sleep sleep

BrainDance posted:

Because my observation and experience hasn't been that there's a lack of labor protections exactly, it's just that they're absolutely unenforced and unfollowed.

Fake worker protections that exist in law but which are rarely applicable to the majority of the working class can be worse than just not pretending to have meaningful worker's rights in the first place, but they're painfully par for the course.

These un-laws mostly get utilized as credulous defences against anyone who points to the reality of a working class consistently and gravely abused by increasingly vertical, increasingly corporatized power structures — it simply can't happen like you're saying, don't you understand how many laws we have against that? look at all the laws i can quote! — or in various crackdowns against business interests that went far enough that they gave the regional government a black eye, or was otherwise ripe for forcible acquisition.

So probably my dry and completely unhelpful answer to the question is "well, actual worker protections would be better." But that becomes less an issue of what the laws are written to say and more about what kind of government the country's actually ended up with.

Japan had lots of time, many many years to gently caress around with an insistence of real and binding laws that protect workers that were inevitably not meaningful to how torturous and stagnant their own strangulatory capitalism was becoming. Then it was our turn: let's add chaebols to the mix! now it's japan but ALSO with dynastic conglomerates so huge and powerful relative to the country at large that they effectively created new royalty! china intermixes a lot of these unlearned lessons with autocracy, perpetually dazzling new levels of attempted information control, and all related criminalization.

The historical record of such conditions suggests that i shouldn't be surprised by the societal levels of hard drinking involved in all these examples

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.
https://twitter.com/DesmondShum/status/1739447626209366226

by the Red Roulette writer, so the clique replacement interpretation is the expected one (again see the take on Park Chung-Hee I quoted at length): this does not mean there is no genuine ideological drift

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.
https://news.cnstock.com/news,bwkx-202312-5168769.htm

Nothing novel, but it seems apropos.

quote:

中央企业价值创造导向更加鲜明,1至11月实现利润总额2.4万亿元,累计完成固定资产投资4.1万亿元、同比增长9.1%,研发经费投入9000多亿元、同比增加近700亿元...

The value creation orientation of central enterprises has become more distinct. From January to November, the total profit reached 2.4 trillion yuan, the accumulated fixed assets investment reached 4.1 trillion yuan, up 9.1% year on year, and the R&D investment was more than 900 billion yuan, up nearly 70 billion yuan year on year

That is, fixed asset formation continues to increase (notice this is a hard number: if you go out and pour that concrete, it's quite hard to faff about the fact that you did). But:

quote:

会议强调,为更好推动高质量发展,2024年国资委对中央企业总体保持“一利五率”目标管理体系不变,具体要求是“一利稳定增长,五率持续优化”,即中央企业效益稳步提升,利润总额、净利润和归母净利润协同增长,净资产收益率、全员劳动生产率、营业现金比率同比改善,研发投入强度和科技产出效率持续提高,整体资产负债率保持稳定...

The meeting emphasized that in order to better promote high-quality development, the State owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission (SASAC) will maintain the overall target management system of "one profit and five rates" for central enterprises in 2024. The specific requirements are "stable growth of one profit and continuous optimization of five rates", that is, the benefits of central enterprises will steadily improve, the total profit, net profit, and net profit attributable to the parent company will increase synergistically, and the return on equity, total labor productivity, and operating cash ratio will improve year-on-year, The intensity of R&D investment and the efficiency of technological output continue to improve, and the overall asset liability ratio remains stable...

And those are the goals; obviously there's tension between continually pursuing fixed assets and also improving one's cash position...

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.
https://twitter.com/Sino_Market/status/1742344792456241430

none of this is really helping the problem of a capricious, vaguely-defined regulatory environment in the long term: video games are just too tempting a target for moral panic "opium of the people" campaigns

if I have to guess, the gambling restrictions (which were the most thoughtfully designed parts of the draft) will be walked back the most, whereas the vague sections necessary to gain MSS approval (and doing the most long-term harm by marking the sector as a target for future heavy-handed regs: saying that something can pose a threat to national security presages doing things appropriate for threats to national security) will stay

Tencent is back up a bit, although still down from Dec 21

ronya
Nov 8, 2010

I'm the normal one.

You hate ridden fucks will regret your words when you eventually grow up.

Peace.
a useful thread from a China bull:

https://twitter.com/GlennLuk/status/1742346449457713550
https://twitter.com/GlennLuk/status/1742346469464527187

this is a tacit subtweet of Michael Pettis types

the argument is technically correct but as I have remarked here, what makes it investment is whether people behave as if it will generate returns in the future, and Chinese homeowners and policymakers do seem to think that house prices will and should go up (stabilization merely meaning going up more slowly), well in excess of its physical depreciation. This is what makes it not consumption. Housing is a savings vehicle for the Chinese middle class as a de facto reality.

as China bulls move toward this argument (basically as an adaptation of the high quality development concept for the Anglosphere literati) I expect Pettis to have to grapple seriously with that observation also ...

Charlz Guybon
Nov 16, 2010
That's a huge drop

https://www.rfa.org/english/news/china/china-birth-rates-plunge-12272023160425.html

quote:

Chinese censors deleted an article on Wednesday that reportedly leaked full-year population figures for 2023, revealing a plummeting birth rate despite ongoing efforts by the ruling party to encourage people to have families.

While official figures won't be confirmed until Jan. 17, the Mother and Infant Daily news service said 7.88 million babies were born across China 2023, 1.68 million fewer than in 2022.

Given that 11 million people died this year, China's population has therefore fallen by 3.12 million, the population of a medium-sized Chinese city, the report said, citing the City Data account on Baidu's Tieba forum site.

The City Data post had been deleted by Wednesday evening local time, suggesting that the topic is a highly sensitive one for the ruling Chinese Communist Party, which is keen to sing the praises of the economy in a bid to boost people's confidence in the future.

However, the reported figures were in line with earlier estimates, including one by Peking University School of Medicine scholar Qiao Jie, who told a forum in August that the number of newborns has plummeted by 40% over the past five years.

"The number of births in 2023 is expected to range from 7-8 million," Qiao was quoted as saying by the China Business News.

The journal China Philanthropist predicted in May that new births this year would come in under the 8 million mark, extrapolating figures that were available at the time.

In 2022, China's National Bureau of Statistics reported a drop in population of around 850,000 to 1.41175 billion, the first fall since 1961, the last year of China's Great Famine.

Authorities also announced a nationwide poll of 1.4 million people in October, as the Communist Party struggles to encourage more people to marry and have kids, Reuters reported.

Step up, women!

Faced with plummeting marriage rates, flagging births and a rapidly aging population, President Xi Jinping wants the country's women to step up and embody "the traditional virtues" of marriage and raising children in a bid to "rejuvenate" the nation.

Authorities in Hangzhou, Zhengzhou and other major cities with populations in the tens of millions, are promising cash subsidies for new families, with the Wuhan Donghu High-tech Zone offering 60,000 yuan (US$8,400) per child, the highest known rate so far, according to recent media reports.

Meanwhile, the number of Chinese couples tying the knot for the first time has fallen by nearly 56% over the past nine years, the financial magazine Yicai quoted the 2023 China Statistical Yearbook as saying, with such marriages numbering less than 11 million in 2022.

Young people are increasingly avoiding marriage, having children and buying a home amid a tanking economy and rampant youth unemployment, part of an emerging social phenomenon known as the “young refuseniks” – people who reject the traditional four-fold path to adulthood: finding a mate, marriage, mortgages and raising a family.

A recent poll on the social media platform Weibo found that while most of the 44,000 respondents said 25-28 is the best age to marry, nearly 60% said they were delaying marriage due to work pressures, education or the need to buy property.

COVID effect

A Chinese expert who declined to be named for fear of reprisals told Radio Free Asia that the leaked figures likely signal a turning point in the aging of the population, and blamed the three years of stringent zero-COVID policies under Xi.

"The official statistics for negative population growth in 2023 are the direct result of three years of pandemic restrictions and the zero-COVID policy, which dampened people's desire to have children," the expert said.

"Now, the aging of society is truly accelerating, and birth rates can't keep up with [that].”

The researcher said people have no energy left after three years of zero-COVID policies.

"Low fertility ... is also a political choice," they said. "Young people in China over the past year have generally chosen not to marry, and have little desire to reproduce."

"They're not buying homes, making step-by-step career moves or growing the population as their parents or the government would like," the expert said. "The model of accumulating wealth and then having kids is broken."

"Young people are starting to make their own choices."

A Beijing resident who gave only the surname Guo for fear of reprisals said many young people simply don't have enough of an income to set up independently.

"The main reason is that young people are scared to have kids ... because they can't guarantee being able to feed them food that is safe, especially infant formula," Guo said. "A lot of people have said this to me -- I think it's quite sad."

A resident of the southwestern province of Sichuan agreed.

"The main reason is that young people today are under a lot of pressure," said the woman, who gave only the surname Jiang for fear of reprisals. "Raising kids now isn't as easy as it used to be."

Morrow
Oct 31, 2010

A lot of issues China is facing are very natural: overinvestment, declining birth rates, fun times with international lending. I'm curious how much they're being exacerbated by government policies: this is a WSJ article behind a paywall, but the sentiment inside China has very much shifted partly as a result of a more centralized government. The bit about the baby formula (above) really stood out to me since that's something on the surface unrelated to the authoritarian-lean.

https://twitter.com/Lingling_Wei/status/1740225021627273639

Kavros
May 18, 2011

sleep sleep sleep
fly fly post post
sleep sleep sleep
And there we go then, I guess

Kavros posted:

that's one story that always, ALWAYS gets answered by the question of if people are still having kids (or, depending on how strongly autocracy factors into the mix, how insistently the government looks like it desires to 'encourage' women back to matriarchal roles)

The autocrat's prelude of calls to "return to traditional values" and increasingly open subjugation of feminist literature and activism

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Tei
Feb 19, 2011

Kavros posted:

I'm not sure if anyone has a clear answer to that, but something else really sticks out for me after hundreds of conversations with people who lived and worked in china recently, whether they've moved to different countries or stayed there: they're probably going to have a "miserable decade" — one where, whether or not Line Reportedly Goes Up, people just feel overworked, aimless, and completely unhappy.

I emotionally struggle with the regularity with which these stories come out either to me or my family. It's always just "I'm miserable and I have no time for anything" and people who are consistently grim about how there's pretty much zero labor protections that make them feel like it's not a sink or swim nightmare.

But it's not just an issue of overwork (or china sort of shaping out to be like the opposite of any kind of worker's state), it's some element of cultural sterilization at play in the background, or something I guess I just don't have the words for. locations, events, and the people responsible for a sense of community, arts, culture, or belonging (which westerners are tentatively describing in terms like "third places") have been getting culled off at a frightening rate. the growing ease with which you can stumble over the line of acceptable expression became so capricious, shifting, and severe that performance and pop culture has essentially gone into a survival lockdown mode, as have the venues that would have allowed this, and everything else feels like it's some hybrid of Party Certified and Commerce Department Board Approved, designed like an advertisement.

So, as time goes on, I'm less going to wonder about whatever story the party has for itself about how great the economy is doing, and more wonder about how few people in china are actually happy or financially secure. and that's one story that always, ALWAYS gets answered by the question of if people are still having kids (or, depending on how strongly autocracy factors into the mix, how insistently the government looks like it desires to 'encourage' women back to matriarchal roles)

Thanks for your answer. And fear not, I will consider this just a person impression, not the truth.

My main problem is I have a enormeous curiosity about china, but is really hard to imposible to really know whats going on in china.
You talked to a lot of people, so you have a piece of the puzzle, we can only find a few more pieces, we may never know what the entire puzzle looks like.

I hope the best for the chinese people. It may even be that theres no reasons for concern.

Tei fucked around with this message at 22:23 on Jan 3, 2024

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