quote:

The imperialists even concede that their standard "U.S. history" is a white history, and is supposedly incomplete unless the long-suppressed Third-World histories are added to it. Why?

The key to the puzzle is that Theirstory (imperialist Euro-Amerikan mis-history) is not incomplete; it isn't true at all. Theirstory also includes the standard class analysis of Amerika that is put forward into our hands by the Euro-Amerikan Left. Theirstory keeps saying, over and over: "You folks, just think about your own history; don't bother analyzing white society, just accept what we tell you about it."

In other words, it's as if British liberals and "socialists" had told Afrikan anti-colonial revolutionaries in Ghana or Kenya to just study their own "traditions" - but not to study the British empire. Theirstory is not incomplete at all. It's a series of complete lies, an ideological world-view cleverly designed to further imperialist domination of the oppressed.

This work throws the light of historical materialism on Babylon itself. For so long the oppressed have been the objects of investigation by Euro-imperialist sociology, anthropology, psychology, etc. — all to further pacifying and controlling us (anthropology, for example, had its origins as an intelligence service for European colonialization of the world). Now it is time to scientifically examine the oppressor society.

The final point we must make is that this document - while it deals with aspects of our history within the U.S. Empire - is nothing like a history of Asians here. Nor is it a history of Indian nations, the Afrikan Nation, Aztlan, or other Third-World nations or peoples. While we discuss Third-World struggles and movements, this is not a critical examination of these political developments. This is a reconnaissance into enemy territory.

quote:

Amerika was "spacious" and "sparsely populated" only because the European invaders destroyed whole civilizations and killed off millions of Native Amerikans to get the land and profits they wanted. We all know that when the English arrived in Virginia, for example, they encountered an urban, village-dwelling society far more skilled than they in the arts of medicine, agriculture, fishing-and government.*(10) [*The first government of the new U.S.A., that of the Articles of Confederation, was totally unlike any in autocratic Europe, and had been influenced by the Government of the Six-Nation Iroquois Confederation.] This civilization was reflected in a chain of three hundred Indian nations and peoples stretched from the Arctic Circle to the tip of South America, many of whom had highly developed societies. There was, in fact, a greater population in these Indian nations in 1492 than in all of Western Europe. Recent scholarly estimates indicate that at the time of Columbus there were 100 million Indians in the Hemisphere: ten million in North America, twenty-five million in Central Mexico, with an additional sixty-five million elsewhere in Central and Southern America.(11)

These numbers have long been concealed, since they give rise to the logical question of what happened to this great mass of people. The European invaders — Spanish, Dutch, English, Portuguese, and French — simply killed off millions and millions to safeguard their conquest of the land and provide the disposable slave labor they needed to launch their "New World". Conservative Western historical estimates show that the Spanish "reduced" the Indian population of their colonies from some 50 million to only 4 million by the end of the 17th Century.(12)

And from the 10 million Indians that once inhabited North America, after four centuries of settler invasion and rule there were in 1900 perhaps 200,000-300,000 surviving descendants in the U.S.A.(13) That was the very substantial down-payment towards the continuing blood price that Third-World nations have to pay to sustain the Euro-Amerikan way of life.

So when we hear that the settlers "pushed out the Indians" or "forced the Indians to leave their traditional hunting grounds", we know that these are just codephrases to refer politely to the most barbaric genocide imaginable. It could well be the greatest crime in all of human history. Only here the Adolph Eichmanns and Heinrich Himmlers had names like Benjamin Franklin and Andrew Jackson.

The point is that genocide was not an accident, not an "excess", not the unintended side-effect of virile European growth. Genocide was the necessary and deliberate act of the capitalists and their settler shocktroops. The "Final Solution" to the "Indian Problem" was so widely expected by whites that it was openly spoken of as a commonplace thing. At the turn of the century a newspaper as "respectable" as the New York Times could editorially threaten that those peoples who opposed the new world capitalist order would "be extinguished like the North American Indian."(14) Only a relative handful of Indians survived the time of the great extermination campaigns. You see, the land wasn't "empty" after all — and for Amerika to exist the settlers had to deliberately make the land "empty".

quote:

To begin with, our criticism of the historically negative role of the settler masses here is no more pointed than Friedrich Engel's statements a century ago about the English working class. Communists have never believed that the working class was some "holy," religious object that must be enshrined away from scientific investigation. Lenin on his own part several times purposefully reminded his European comrades that the original "proletariat" - of Imperial Rome - did not work, but was supported by the surpluses of slave labor. As the lowest free class of Roman citizens, their only duty was to father new soldiers for the Roman Legions (which is why they were called "proletarii" in Latin) while they lived off government subsidies. (1) The political consciousness and material class role of the masses of any given nation cannot be assumed from historic generalizations, but must be discovered by social investigation and scientific analysis.

The phenomenon of the various capitalist ruling classes buying off and politically corrupting some portions of their own wage-laboring populations begins with the European colonial systems. The British workers of the 1830's and 1840's were becoming increasingly class-conscious. An early, pre-Marxian type of socialism (Owenism) had caused much interest, and the massive Chartist movement rallied millions of workers to demand democratic rights. Alarmed at this - and warned by the armed, democratic insurrections in 1848 in both France and Germany - the British capitalists grudgingly decided that the immense profits of their colonial empire allowed them to ease up slightly on the exploitation at home.

This tossing of a few crumbs to the British workers resulted in a growing ideological stagnation, conservatism and national chauvinism. Engels was outraged and disgusted, particularly at the corrupt spectacle of the British workers slavishly echoing their bourgeoisie as to their alleged "right" to exploit the colonial world. " ...There is no workers' party here ... and the workers gaily share the feast of England's monopoly of the world market and the colonies. "

In 1858 Engels sarcastically described the tamed British workers in the bluntest terms: "The English proletariat is actually becoming more and more bourgeois, so that this most bourgeois of all nations is apparently aiming ultimately at the possession of a bourgeois aristocracy and a bourgeois proletariat alongside the bourgeoisie. For a nation which exploits the whole world this is to a certain extent justifiable." (2) Britain was the Imperial Rome, the Amerikan Empire of that day - a nation which "feasted " on the exploitation of colonies around the entire world. Engels, as a communist, didn't make lame excuses for the corrupted English workers, but exposed them. He held the English workers accountable to the world proletariat for their sorry political choices.

quote:

Perhaps the U.S. Empire could have led a "crusade in Europe" to defeat Nazism, but it didn't. In strict fact, German fascism was defeated by the Russian people. U.S. global strategy clearly called for stalling as long as possible in fighting Hitler, in hopes that Germany and Soviet Russia would ruin and exhaust each other. As late as April 1943, Soviet forces were fighting 185 Nazi divisions while the U.S. and British Empires were together fighting 6. The heart and muscle of the German Army, almost 250 divisions, got destroyed on the Eastern front against the Russian people. That's why the Russian military lost 6 million troops fighting Germany, while the U.S. lost 160,000.

The Soviet Union's burden in the alliance against German imperialism was so visibly disproportionate that some Western imperialists were concerned. South Afrikan Gen. Jan Christian Smuts warned in 1943: "To the ordinary man it must appear that it is Russia who is winning the war. If this impression continues, what will be our post-war position compared to that of Russia?"

Finally, in the last six months of the war, the Allies landed 2 million soldiers in France in order to get in on the German surrender and control as much of Europe as possible. Those U.S. and British divisions faced a vastly inferior German opposition (only 40% as large as the Allied force), because the bulk of Hitler's forces were tied up with the main war front against Russia.

During the war the Allies kept paratroop divisions in England, ready to be air-dropped into Berlin if Russia finished off the Nazis before Allied armies could even get into Germany. (10) U.S. imperialism's main concern was not to "liberate" anyone, but to dominate as much of Europe as it could once the Russian people had, at such terrible cost, defeated Hitler.

Amerikan war plans included being careful not to interfere with the Nazi's genocidal sterilization of Europe. Indeed, Washington and London appreciated how convenient it was to let Hitler do their dirty work for them - getting rid of millions of undesirable Jews, Communists, socialists, trade-unionists and dissenters. This cleaned up Europe from the imperialist point of view. And Hitler took the weight.

The Allies were notorious in blocking Jewish evacuation from the path of the oncoming Nazi conquest. Roosevelt refused to lift restrictions on Jewish immigration. As the war approached, on April 23, 1939, the U.S. State Dept. announced that quotas were so "filled" that Jewish immigration was to be halted except for special cases. Desperate German Jews were told that they had a minimum six year wait, until 1945. The New Deal's vicious attitude was displayed in their mocking statement that Jewish "applicants of Polish origin, even those who spent most of their life in Germany, will have to wait at least 50 years" to obtain entry visas to the U.S.! The same day the Roosevelt Administration announced that no tourist visas to Amerika would be issued to German Jews - only those Germans with "Aryan" passports could greet the Statue of Liberty.

BrutalistMcDonalds posted:

a meme that wasn't just a meme, but reality, which emerged from an offsite, has since returned to the forums. the cycle is complete.

quote:

Divided World Divided Class charts the history of the ‘labour aristocracy’ in the capitalist world system, from its roots in colonialism to its birth and eventual maturation into a full-fledged middle class in the age of imperialism. It argues that pervasive national, racial and cultural chauvinism in the core capitalist countries is not primarily attributable to ‘false class consciousness’, ideological indoctrination or ignorance as much left and liberal thinking assumes. Rather, these and related forms of bigotry are concentrated expressions of the major social strata of the core capitalist nations’ shared economic interest in the exploitation and repression of dependent nations.

The book demonstrates not only how redistribution of income derived from super-exploitation has allowed for the amelioration of class conflict in the wealthy capitalist countries, it also shows that the exorbitant ‘super-wage’ paid to workers there has meant the disappearance of a domestic vehicle for socialism, an exploited working class. Rather, in its place is a deeply conservative metropolitan workforce committed to maintaining, and even extending, its privileged position through imperialism.

Weka posted:

Didn't most native Americans die from disease? Seems like something you might want to mention.

Smythe posted:

Bookmarking

F Stop Fitzgerald posted:

Smythe posted:

Bookmarking

Anime Bernie Bro posted:

organizing labor strikes to own the commies

quote:

Among those heavily subsidized, the sources said, were the organizers of a nationwide truck strike that lasted 26 days in the fall of 1972, seriously disrupting Chile's economy and provoking the first of a series of labor crises for President Allende.

Direct subsidies, the sources said, also were provided for a strike of middle‐class shopkeepers and a taxi strike among others, that disrupted the capital city of Santiago in the summer of 1973, shortly before Mr. Allende was over thrown by a military coup.

At its peak, the 1973 strikes involved more than 250,000 truck drivers, shopkeepers and professionals who banded to gether in a middle‐class move ment that, many analysts have concluded, made a violent overthrow inevitable.

F Stop Fitzgerald posted:

https://nedprogramsinhk.blogspot.com/?m=1 posted:

Tuesday, August 2, 2016
NED grants to Hong Kong (1994 to 2015)
The National Endowment for Democracy (NED) was established to act as a conduit to disperse US Government funds for ‘promoting democracy’, allocated by Congress to its four core grantees:

(1) The Free Trade Union Institute, representing the labor sector,
(2) The Center for International Private Enterprise, representing the business sector,
(3) The National Democratic Institute, representing the Democratic Party,
(4) The National Republican Institute, representing the Republican Party1.

The NED also disperses grants directly to participants. The NED first started funding activities in Hong Kong in 1994. The following is a timeline of NED grants to Hong Kong since 1994, compiled from information in NED Annual Reports, giving details of the recipients and justifications for the grants:

1994

Free Trade Union Institute - $430,472 -To support the Asian American Free Labor Institute's "Greater China" program, which promotes worker rights in China; disseminates information on labor rights abuses; assists unions in Hong Kong in their efforts to strengthen democratic practices, and aids independent labor rights organizations in Taiwan.

1995

Free Trade Union Institute - $435,753 - To enable the Asian American Free Labor Institute to support the work of leading labor activists both inside China and in exile, including the monthly publication of the Chinese-language China Labour Bulletin; to cooperate with Hong Kong-based groups to document Chinese labor rights abuses, especially in the region around Hong Kong; to develop informational materials for workers in that area; and to strengthen the Confederation of Trade Unions, a key component of Hong Kong's democracy movement, by helping it upgrade its communications and research capabilities.

Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor - $30,000 - To focus local and international public attention on areas of Hong Kong law and practice that do not safeguard human rights.

International Republican Institute - $25,000 - To conduct an assessment of the 17 September 1995 legislative elections in Hong Kong.

1996

Free Trade Union Institute - $359,393 - Through the Asian American Free Labor Institute: for the monitoring of labor rights violations and dissemination of information on rights to workers in China; for the Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions to retain member support after the Chinese takeover through contributions to public debate, regular distribution of a newsletter, and maintenance of their headquarters as a rallying point and resource center for democracy activists; and for a regional conference to expand cooperation among labor activists from Hong Kong, Taiwan, Macao, and China.

University of Hong Kong Faculty of Law - $60,000 - To equip and train three additional local partners in China to expand the Law-on-Line project, a bilingual database of information and documentation on human rights laws and legal issues available on the Internet.

Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor - $36,000 - To hire a full-time staff director to coordinate the organization's work in human rights reporting, casework, campaigning, and public education.

1997

Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor - $40,000 - To focus local and international public attention on areas of Hong Kong law and practice that fail to safeguard human rights. The Monitor works to strengthen the foundations of and commitment to the rule of law in Hong Kong.

National Democratic Institute for International Affairs - $100,120 - To monitor the development of Hong Kong's "post-reversion" election framework, the election process, and the ability of political parties and civic groups to participate in the process.

1998

American Center for International Labor Solidarity - $343,778 - To help the China Labor Bulletin, the Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions, and Hong Kong-based labor rights groups promote worker and union rights in the greater China region.

Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor - $45,000 - To draw local and international public attention to areas of Hong Kong law which fail to safeguard human rights. Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor projects include human rights reporting, casework, campaigning, and public education.

National Democratic Institute for International Affairs - $141,877 - To monitor the state of civil and political liberties in Hong Kong and its progress toward a genuinely democratic electoral system. NDI supported a democratic assessment team that analyzed the political environment and technical preparations for the May 1998 polls.

1999

American Center for International Labor Solidarity - $202,399 - To support the work of the Hong Kong-based China Labour Bulletin to investigate and document labor conditions and worker activism in China. The program also includes support for labor and human rights education efforts to inform workers about their rights under national and local laws.

American Center for International Labor Solidarity - $170,997 - To provide support to the Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions to improve its membership outreach and coalition-building activities. ACILS will also support the research and documentation activities of a labor rights NGO concentrating on conditions in southern China.

Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor - $48,000 - To campaign for improvements in legal and institutional human rights safeguards in Hong Kong. The Monitor will continue its program of human rights reporting, case work, campaigning, and public education, and will also participate in the U.N. human rights fora.

National Democratic Institute for International Affairs - $67,164 -To support democracy activists as they define their role in the new political system in Hong Kong that limits opportunities for public input into the policy-making process. The program will offer consultations to political parties competing for seats on directly elected local governments, and conduct a training program on grassroots organizing and volunteer recruitment.

2000

The American Center for International Labor Solidarity - $184,560 - To assist democratic unions and labor rights organizations in Hong Kong working to protect worker and union rights in the South China region.

Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor- US$48,000 - To carry out human rights reporting, casework, campaigning and public education drawing local and international public attention to the Hong Kong laws and practices that fail to safeguard human rights.

2001

American Center for International Labor Solidarity - $198,073 - To assist democratic unions and labor rights organizations in Hong Kong that are working to protect worker and union rights in the South China region.

International Republican Institute - $409,850 - To train local election officials and newly elected village leaders; host a conference in Hong Kong to discuss campaign techniques in developing and developed countries; provide consultation on legislative drafting; sponsor a delegation of lawyers and legal aid supervisors to observe a successful legal aid program in a developing country; and support a program engaging the Chinese government in dialogue to strengthen accountability, transparency, and the rule of law.

National Democratic Institute for International Affairs - $209,778 - To provide comparative research findings to educate legislative staff members, researchers and students on democratic norms; organize two seminars on democratic legislative processes; and assist democratic reform in Hong Kong.

Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor - US$51,000 - To combine legal defense of civil rights with public campaigns and education to cultivate public opinion favorable to democratization and the rule of law.

2002

American Center for International Labor Solidarity - $198,063 - To assist democratic unions and labor rights organizations in Hong Kong that are working to protect worker and union rights in the South China region.

Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor - US$51,000 - To carry out human rights reporting, casework, campaigning, and public education, drawing local and international public attention to areas of Hong Kong law and practice that fail to safeguard human rights.

2003

American Center for International Labor Solidarity - US$260,434 - To collaborate with the Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions and other Hong Kong-based labor rights NGOs to provide basic training and education on trade union rights and other labor rights. The coalition will strengthen the work of the Yuen Long training center, which conducts leadership workshops, educates unemployed workers in government-sponsored job retraining courses, and conducts research to determine what types of manpower training and skills assessment best serve the needs of the workers in Hong Kong.

Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor - US$60,000 - To carry out human rights reporting, casework, campaigning and public education, drawing local and international attention to civil and human rights developments in Hong Kong.

National Democratic Institute for International Affairs - US$179,999 - To provide technical assistance and training to Hong Kong political parties to strengthen the role of parties in Hong Kong, and to support pro-democracy civil society organizations in their efforts to draw attention to the deterioration of political rights in the territory.

2004

Civic Exchange - US$125,000* - To build support for a democratic constitution. Civic Exchange will engage the public in consideration of potential constitutional reforms and advocate that the government seek citizen approval of any proposed constitution. Activities will consist of reports on Hong Kong's functional constituency system and the role of public dialogue in political development, as well as the organization of public forums, town hall style gatherings and formal debates.

Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor - US$173,280* - To carry out a broad ranging program of education and monitoring to draw local and international attention to human rights and constitutional developments in Hong Kong. The Monitor will produce educational materials, issue in-depth reports, conduct programs in conjunction with schools and civic groups, hold a human rights film festival and organize public seminars.

National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) - US$190,000 - To strengthen political parties and support democratic activism. NDI will conduct political party consultations and training seminars; facilitate the development and publication of a multi-party public opinion poll and provide assistance in the development of voter guides in advance of the Legislative Council elections in September 2004.

National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) - US$50,000* - To work to improve the ability of Hong Kong civil society organizations to advocate for democratization and good governance in Hong Kong. NDI will support a Hong Kong partner to conduct a governance review and undertake a post-election assessment following the Legislative Council elections in September 2004.

2005

Civic Exchange - US$45,000* - To promote informed debate on constitutional reform. Civic Exchange will carry out public opinion research and hold a public debate on models of constitutional reform, publish two papers that discuss selected reforms in mainland China and their relevance as points of reference for Hong Kong, and conduct outreach to the public on the broad spectrum of reform concerns.

Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor - US$173,000* - To raise the standards of human rights protection and democratic representation. The Monitor will carry out human rights reporting, casework, campaigning, and public education drawing local and international attention to civil and human rights developments in Hong Kong.

2006

American Center for International Labor Solidarity - US$125,000 - To foster freedom of association and other worker rights. ACILS will support local trade-union education and outreach programs, as well as a research program raising international awareness regarding the current labor-rights situation in China.

Civic Exchange-US$86,000* - To engage the public in discussion of governance reforms. Civic Exchange will carry out a diverse program of research and public education on key topics related to universal suffrage and electoral and constitutional reform.

Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor- US$175,000* - To raise the standards of human rights protection and democratic representation. The Monitor will carry out human rights reporting, casework, campaigning, and public education drawing local and international attention to civil and human rights developments in Hong Kong.

2007

American Center for International Labor Solidarity - US$135,000 - To foster freedom of association and other worker rights in China and Hong Kong. Local partners will seek to strengthen civil society by expanding the current labor union base, encouraging the participation of unions and their members in democratic processes, strengthening a migrant workers assistance network, and increasing union members’ access to legal assistance and knowledge of labor law.

Civic Exchange - US$64,983* - To engage the public in discussion of governance reforms. Civic Exchange will carry out a diverse program of research and public education on key topics related to universal suffrage and electoral and constitutional reform.

Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor - US$170,000* - To raise the standards of human rights protection and democratic representation. The Monitor will carry out human rights reporting, casework, campaigning, and public education drawing local and international attention to civil and human rights developments in Hong Kong.

Anime Bernie Bro posted:

i dont read poo poo any more is this just another case of "wokely buck breaking the white proletariat because diverse workplaces don't unionize" tier grift or is this the real poo poo?

edit: did enjoy that bit about engels poo poo-talking the angloids tho. what a detestable mercantile people they are.

quote:

By putting the distinctly fascist tendency of metropolitan labour down to false class consciousness or political naivete, Western socialists pander to a reactionary constituency. Indeed, not only does Euro-socialism fail to oppose imperialism, it regularly espouses proimperialist and racist sentiments in its efforts to actively recruit the labour aristocracy to its cause. This was seen recently in the PCFs successful proposal to ban the face veil in France and the European left s vociferous support for Western intervention in Libya. Typically, the militant approach of the Euro-socialist activist echoes the anticorporate, anti-finance, anti-government, protectionist and pseudo-Marxian rhetoric of national-socialism. In both cases, since the extension of current living standards for the First World working class does not and cannot depend upon “self-sufficiency” or national productivity, monopoly capitalism must be maintained. In ignoring the imperialist roots of the First World “wage”, First Worldist socialists contribute to a political culture of corporatism, parochialism and national chauvinist belonging which can only bolster the position of the capitalist class globally.

In neglecting the reality of superexploitation, imperialist-country parties and organisations calling themselves “socialist” are socialist only in the sense that Goebbels and the Strasser brothers were—that is, in advocating a larger share of superprofits, whether in relative or absolute terms, for their own nations workers. By contrast, a genuinely socialist program today means working to extricate Third World countries from networks of imperialist parasitism by means of democratically asserting their sovereignty in the economic, political, legal and cultural spheres. Without progressives making it crystal clear, however, that the success of such a program must bring about a decline in First World workers’ living standards, at least temporarily, a recipe for “socialist” neocolonialism is being concocted.

F Stop Fitzgerald posted:

Southpaugh posted:

Random rear end in a top hat posted:

In the same way that Holocaust victims died from Zyklon-B exposure.

LittleBlackCloud posted:

impossible to take the single K spelling seriously it's either c or kkk

LittleBlackCloud posted:

impossible to take the single K spelling seriously it's either c or kkk

Weka posted:

Didn't most native Americans die from disease? Seems like something you might want to mention.

Probably Magic posted:

Want to check this out eventually, but this is also the go-to reference for every dipshit who argues that identity politics is so much more important than class politics. Which is probably taking the reading out of context, those weirdos do the same thing with TNC, but it's always inspired a bit of weariness in me.