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Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

pencilhands posted:

I'm really curious why mccarthy even wants the job. I'm not saying Boehner or Ryan were some kind of political geniuses or anything but they're clearly at least as talented as he is, and failed miserably with a way bigger cushion and in a time when the gop was somewhat more moderate than it is now. What does he think is going to happen?

He's in California, so it's not like he has any real shot at getting elected to the Senate unless he moves to another state, which he can't really do because his political climb has been dependent on building up connections and patronage over a period of decades. And as long as the presidential candidates are coming from the Trump wing, all his old connections are gonna be worthless for getting him appointed positions.

The speakership is his only real shot at being more important than "just another House rep" in the next few years. And he can't give up on that ambition so easily - he's spent decades slowly building up to it, and then eight years building up his political support again after the Freedom Caucus came out of nowhere and torched his ambitions the first time around.

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Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Republicans posted:

Who the hell else even wants the job?

Andy Biggs, the current chair of the Freedom Caucus, appears to be the main challenger right now. It's unlikely that he has any real path to the speakership, but he seems to be well aware of that. The idea is that if they manage to block McCarthy long enough, someone else will inevitably be persuaded to enter the race, and I suspect the Freedom Caucus don't really care who as long as it's someone to the right of McCarthy. The important part is that they demonstrate their power and influence by knocking McCarthy out of the race.

The punditry seem to think Steve Scalise will be the one to pop up if McCarthy fails, since he's a highly-placed House GOP member who's acceptable to the Freedom Caucus as well as the moderates. But McCarthy's loyalists are reportedly pissed off at the Freedom Caucus blatantly flexing like this, so it's possible they might make things more complicated.

Ultimately, it comes down to how much each faction is willing to dig in their heels and gently caress with their rivals' picks out of sheer petty spite. I'm trying not to get my hopes up too much, since the moderate factions aren't usually that stubborn, but the GOP's narrow House margin holds a lot of potential for hilarity.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

FlamingLiberal posted:

Eh, it sounds like a lot of his caucus really doesn’t like him

If they can find someone else that is remotely viable I think he loses the job

It's possible a few of the McCarthy loyalists might reject any alternate candidate just to spite the "anyone but McCarthy" group, due to a perception that the latter group doesn't have specific issues with McCarthy and are only doing this to demonstrate their influence.

That's the really beautiful part about this speaker election. Rather than actually being about the specific candidate, it's become a stage for factional spite and resentment to play out. How long this goes on will depend on how insistent the various factions are on asserting their strength, and how much they bitterly hate each other. This will entirely depend on how stubborn everyone involved is willing to be.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Charliegrs posted:

So is KMac just going to try to win by attrition basically? Just keep redoing the votes until everyone gets so tired and just let's him win so they can go home?

He probably doesn't want to give people any time to start talking about serious alternatives to him. Biggs has no chance of getting a majority and he knows it. The big weakness in the Freedom Caucus plan is that they don't have a real competitor to McCarthy. They're hoping that the moderates will offer one up on their own if McCarthy is blocked long enough.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

mmkay posted:

Non-us here, a few questions: why does the freedom caucus hate Mccarthy? What is the rules package that's also voted on? Is that separate from the leader vote, and if it is what would happen if that failed too?

Two reasons:

First, he started out his political career as a moderate Republican, and paved his path to power by building close ties to other established leadership figures like Bill Thomas and John Boehner. And the Freedom Caucus hated Boehner, so much that they thwarted McCarthy's 2015 bid for Speaker largely because he was Boehner's handpicked successor. By the mid-2010s, he'd noticed which way the winds were blowing and moved well to the right, but the Freedom Caucus don't think he's a diehard true believer who'll stick with them no matter what. He's so openly ambitious that he's not especially trustworthy, as the general perception in DC is that he'll do drat near anything for power. Now that Trump's looking shaky, the Freedom Caucus are extremely worried that McCarthy will betray them or thwart their most ridiculous plans.

Second, the Freedom Caucus want to assert their dominance by demonstrating that they're too important for the moderates to ignore. They'd likely be doing this to some extent no matter who the leading candidate was; the point is to show that despite being a small faction, they have the numbers and discipline to force major concessions from the rest of the party (especially with the GOP's extremely slim majority).

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010
I don't think "the courts are dominated by liberals who keep striking down conservative laws and can't be overruled, let's spend the next fifty years doing everything we can to appoint conservative justices to those courts to get those liberal rulings overturned" is exactly a stroke of political brilliance.

Calling it a "project" or a "strategy" is, I think, rather generous. Taking every opportunity to put loyalists in extremely powerful lifetime appointments is not something that takes a genius. Especially given that those extremely powerful lifetime appointments had been used against them for several straight decades. And the fact that it took more than half a century to accomplish suggests that it wasn't much of a strategy by itself.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

haveblue posted:

The new normal cannot be that the legislative branch is entirely shut down for two years. Like, that’s just not an option if we want to continue calling ourselves a country. We’d collapse into anarchy before the next election

The cause of McCarthy's extensive public humiliation isn't just the Freedom Caucus. Sure, the Freedom Caucus is being pointlessly obstructionist and defying party leadership, but they've been doing that for years. It's not uncommon for the House to have a couple dozen cranks that are quietly shoved into a corner and ignored when voting time comes around.

The reason they're able to cause such problems this time is because the GOP completely loving flubbed the midterms and came out of it with only a single-digit margin in the House. Historically, it's pretty rare for the majority party to have a majority this thin - usually, they have a hefty enough majority that a handful of their own members kicking up a fuss can be safely ignored.

Granted, House margins have generally been thinner in the 21st century, but usually not this thin. When Trump took office, the GOP had a 47-seat margin on their majority. They're in this situation because they got absolutely walloped in Trump's midterms, and then barely managed to scrape back a majority in Biden's midterms, leaving them with absolutely no breathing room to ignore the usual selection of fringe weirdoes.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Nix Panicus posted:

The conservative project has achieved victory on all fronts so total that the largest 'progressive' victory of the last twenty years was a lovely hand out to private insurance spearheaded by a crypto conservative who also tried to cut social security while letting his banker buddies off the hook for the colossal economic collapse they initiated. Complaining that their strategy wasn't particularly clever seems like a non sequitur. It also begs the question of why couldn't democrats stay laser focused on a grand project over decades and achieve success by increments? Perhaps they did, and the entrenchment of corporate power is the fruit of the New Democrat's efforts since the 90s.

They won, but they didn't win as hard as they could have won, so who can say if the conservatives are victorious or not? The Trump tax cuts and destruction of Roe were incremental steps towards ultimate policy goals, and ones unlikely to be reversed by democrats even if they have the majority and total control of government. By contrast, the ACA is explicitly *not* an incremental step towards universal healthcare and exists as a bulwark against a developed world healthcare policy. When conservatives win they get essential stepping stones towards their agenda. When 'progressives' 'win' they get roadblocks that will actively impede further progress towards left wing goals.

What are you saying was the "largest 'progressive' victory"? At first, it seems like you're saying it's Obamacare, but then you immediately add in a bunch of unrelated complaints about Obama, so are you trying to say that the "largest 'progressive' victory" was electing Obama? I don't think there's anyone in this thread who'd agree with that. And that's without even getting into your extremely minimalistic descriptions of some very large and complex bills with a number of different measures.

You spend half this post complaining that progressives haven't been making incremental progress toward anything, and the other half of it complaining that Obamacare didn't immediately abolish private insurance on the spot. I'm certainly no lover of Obamacare, but it's a prime example of a incremental step in a long-term push toward a larger policy project. Which in turn exposes one of the serious issues with these long-term policy projects - they take a really, really long time! I guess it doesn't necessarily sink in when we just say "over the course of 50 years", so let's put it this way: someone who was 21 years old when Roe v Wade was decided would have been 70 years old when Roe was overturned. There's people out there who spent their entire working life - and a few years of their retirement - voting for politicians who said they were going to overturn Roe and then being pissed off when Roe still hasn't been overturned.

But honestly, I'm not a fan of talking about individual policy goals as "projects". You know what the big conservative project was, the one that made all these other policy pushes of theirs possible? Figuring out how to win more elections. Figuring out how to build the base and then mobilize it. All of these policy gains of theirs only came about because they were able to win solid control of various levels and branches of government. And note that when I say "they", I don't just mean "Republicans", I mean "conservatives". One of the anti-McCarthy faction's demands, after all, was that he stop funding primary challengers against far-right candidates- and despite the fact that he'd been putting the party's thumb on the scale against them in elections, the anti-McCarthy faction was more than three times as big as the Squad is.

Freakazoid_ posted:

Something I've suspected for years now, the common advice around here and elsewhere has been that if you want to see change, you need to start from the bottom and work your way up.

As we can see, everyone who works their way up that begin as leftist will eventually be brainwashed by a constant psychic barrage of contented establishment centrists until they become one of them.

I feel our only hope is to strike from the top. Work on getting a leftist president in, where the process is shorter and less vulnerable to long-term centrist influence, and see if the power of the presidency can't change conditions further down.

The bottom isn't the House, state politics, or even local politics. The bottom is the electorate. If the movement doesn't have wide and strong public support among the voters, then it's only natural that it's not going to have many diehard loyalists in national politics.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

HookedOnChthonics posted:

this would not be an issue if there was not a huge amount of people desperate to anesthetize themselves against the intolerable conditions of poverty, loneliness, etc. that they are in

at other times in history access to the hard stuff has been much, much easier and not resulted in this magnitude of death

I thought the opioid epidemic was a consequence of pharmaceutical companies incentivizing doctors to heavily overprescribe highly addictive drugs with insufficient caution or controls, driving many patients to become addicted and continue to seek the drugs afterward.

Portraying it as "people desperate to anesthetize themselves against the intolerable conditions of poverty" is, I think, incredibly uncharitable at best. It looks sympathetic at first glance, but it's really just a slight reframing of War On Drugs narratives on addiction: it's based on the idea that drug addiction is simply a result of poor people lacking willpower and driving themselves to death to escape their unhappiness, rather than a physical dependence. Though of course, those kinds of narratives long predate the War On Drugs - it's long been convenient for the elites selling the drugs to suggest that addiction is just poor people becoming obsessed.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Fister Roboto posted:

Pretty sure it's a little bit of both. Capitalism creates the material conditions that drive people to seek relief from them, and capitalism also pushes a terrible solution on them. That's not the same as saying it's their fault for not being strong enough.

In the case of the opioid epidemic, it wasn't that people were seeking relief from "the material conditions of capitalism", it's that they were seeking relief from things like injuries or post-surgical pain. Their doctor prescribed oxycontin or something as a routine painkiller, and they got addicted.

To repeat myself, it's actually bad to describe drug addiction as poor people taking drugs because they're unhappy. Even if you're trying to blame the reasons they're unhappy, it's still a narrative that treats addiction as a choice rather than as a condition. And that's especially crappy when it comes to the opioid crisis, which was created by unscrupulous pharmaceutical companies deceiving doctors into prescribing highly addictive substances for legitimate medical reasons.

Gumball Gumption said earlier that the roots of the opioid epidemic were in homelessness and poverty, but that's mixing up cause and effect. It's certainly true that there's a lot of homeless opioid addicts. But they didn't start using drugs because they were homeless - rather, they became homeless because they were addicted to drugs. Substance abuse disorders are expensive, and tend to destroy a person's financial health as well as their physical health.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Youth Decay posted:

https://www.axios.com/local/washington-dc/2023/01/09/dc-home-rule-kevin-mccarthy-budget-riders
Knew this was gonna happen, makes me extra mad that the Dem-controlled Congress didn't go for DC statehood when they had the chance. DC always gets screwed in these situations. Andy Harris in particular has made loving with DC his pet project.

Knew what was gonna happen? The article doesn't actually say anything is happening. It just describes a hypothetical situation that could potentially happen.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Leon Trotsky 2012 posted:

Here is something that will probably be controversial.

The American Academy of Pediatrics is now recommending that kids with weight problems be considered for new anti-obesity drugs as early as age 12 and bariatric surgery as early as age 13.

Their study found that the eating habits of children rarely change once they become an adult and that early and aggressive anti-obesity treatment is the most effective method.

According to the AAP, diet and exercise alone won't work for a small portion of people and a larger portion of people just can't/won't make the lifestyle adjustments required as an adult. That means that breaking the habits through drug or surgical intervention as a youth is the most effective technique.

Some doctors, as mentioned in the article, are against this and worry it will shift people even further away from making lifestyle changes to reduce obesity. Additionally, they worry about the long-term impact of being dependent on surgery or drugs to maintain a healthy weight and that there isn't really a universal standard for determining who might need them versus who might be fine with other less serious interventions.

https://twitter.com/CBSNews/status/1612460456647573504

I don't think your summary really lines up with the article. You summarized it as "people just can't/won't make the lifestyle adjustments required", but the article appears to go a lot further than that: it entirely rejects the idea of lifestyle factors influencing weight at all! It compares obesity to asthma, treating it as a condition that some people are just born with and can't ever escape without medical treatment.

Incidentally, the article also doesn't mention the word "parent" or "parents" at all. I wonder if that's related. Because when it comes to lifestyle diseases among 12-year-olds, there's a lot about their lifestyle that they don't get to pick. They're not choosing their own meals, for the most part - that's up to the adults around them.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Timmy Age 6 posted:

I've read a few articles on the subject and even the people who are nominally Pence's "allies" or confidants have all been saying "we have no idea what Mike thinks his lane is or how he thinks there's a viable path for him." I think the God's Plan mindset is probably the best explanation.

Maybe he thinks Trump will be charged with something bad enough that he'll be able to rebrand as a #Resistance hero who fought to restrain Trump? Maybe he thinks he can run as the successor to Trump's legacy? Maybe he thinks he can thread the needle as a compromise between those two factions?

Sure, his chances look dicey no matter which path he chooses. But he obviously really wants to be president. And if he doesn't at least give it a shot, then having suffered through four years as Trump's VP would have been for nothing.

Eric Cantonese posted:

I am probably missing something by not tracking right wing media very often, but it seems like Biden's classified document mixup hasn't really blown up. Am I being overly optimistic? Is this too early in the normal scandal life/death cycle?

It was never likely to attract much notice outside of the right-wing outrage-o-sphere. The big issue with Trump wasn't that he took files, it was his reluctance to fully cooperate with authorities when they found out.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Leon Trotsky 2012 posted:

I wish they asked people more freeform questions like this in polls because it is always interesting and sometimes a little wild to see what random people think about policy issues or the economy.

- A majority of people think we are in a recession (technically not, but if you just use it as short-hand for economic times getting rougher, then sure).

- But... almost 40% of people think unemployment is as big or a bigger problem with the economy as inflation right now. And 59% (!?!) say unemployment is serious problem right now.

That is completely wild.

- A weirdly high number of people also say the stock market is important to how the economy impacts them. Only 13% say it is unimportant.

- 5% of people think that Ukraine is an enemy of the United States and currently in conflict with us.

- Only 14% are very worried about new Covid variants.

- 17% of people are openly willing to say that diversity makes the U.S. "a worse place to live."

- 33% think Biden has made white people's relationships with minorities worse.

- 24% say that MLK Day should not be a federal holiday.

- About 40% to 55% of Americans think every single issue is an important political issue. Crime and Inflation are in the 60's and no other issue falls below the 40's for "very important issues."

- Kind of surprising figure: 66% of Americans are "very happy" or "happy" at their current job.

- 37% of Americans think Biden did not legitimately win the 2020 election (including 4% of people who voted for Biden).

https://twitter.com/daveweigel/status/1613256324107608068

The crosstabs on a lot of these are either really interesting or really bizarre.

For example, on the question about diversity, richer people (>$100k income) were more likely to say that diversity made the US worse...but they were also more likely to say that diversity made the US better. The 18-29 demographic was the second most likely to answer "worse", just one point behind the 65+ demographic. And the racial group most likely to say "worse" wasn't white people, but rather Hispanics - whites were most likely to answer "doesn't make much difference". Similarly, Hispanic respondents were most likely to answer that racism is "not a problem" in our society today.

Saying that most or all issues as important when asked about them individually is pretty common. Generally, what's much more valuable is the "most important issue" question, which forces people to rank them and show what they care about the most. And in that question, the top answer by a considerable margin is inflation, followed by healthcare. Taxes, crime, and foreign policy all ranked near the bottom.

But this list of priorities changes considerably if we look at individual demographics. According to this poll, Trump voters are overwhelmingly concerned about inflation, immigration, and taxes (in that order), while Biden voters are most concerned about healthcare, climate change, and inflation. Despite the Roe repeal, only two groups stood out as placing particular importance on abortion: people with six-digit incomes, and non-white people.

As a last item that particularly baffles me, younger people were far more likely to say the current Supreme Court is liberal, and much less likely to say it's conservative. I know you just get weird poo poo in polls sometimes, but what the hell?

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Absurd Alhazred posted:

I'm going to guess that Anthony Devolver was the alias.

Or one of the aliases.

:stare:

His full name is reportedly George Anthony Devolder Santos. The "Devolder" comes from his mother, Fatima Aziza Caruso Horta Devolder.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

BonoMan posted:

How is there not a mechanism for removing someone like Santos from office when he clearly only got in by lying about everything? It's ridiculous.

Also a second set of classified documents has hit the Biden administration. This time in his garage in his Delaware home.

There is a mechanism for removing a House rep, but a significant portion of his own party would need to be on board with removing him. And politicians lying to win elections is pretty par for the course, so it remains to be seen whether this will actually be scandalous enough.

Ultimately, the really ridiculous thing is that the press and his opponent both failed to notice any of it. The NYT revealed all this stuff a month after the election, which is unusual timing. I would really love to hear the backstory on how this stuff came to their attention in the first place. Was it an independent investigation or were they tipped off? When did they realize something was up? How long did they sit on the story before going to print?

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Charliegrs posted:

So now Biden has a special counsel to investigate the classified documents at his office and residence.

I think there's no way in hell Trump gets indicted for hiding the documents at Mar A Lago now. Even though the situations were very different and Trump was purposely trying to keep them even after multiple negotiations to get them back. I think that's not going to matter now. If the precedent gets set that taking classified files is just what presidents do, then I don't see how any of them end up getting indicted. And we don't even know what will happen between now and the end of the special counsel investigations. What if documents are found in Obama's offices? Like someone else in this thread said, probably ever living former president is having their offices searched right now after today's revelations.

Not to mention the decorum angle and Garlands extreme sensitivity to looking political and partisan. Can we really expect him to indict Trump and not Biden knowing the explosion of right wing rage that will result from it?

The problem for Trump was never that he took home classified files. The problem was that he knew he had classified files, concealed them from the government, and failed to fully cooperate when the government found out. That's what elevates it from "mistake" to "crime".

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

BiggerBoat posted:

The thing that grates the most about this is if I lie on my resume about my GPA or even some creative embellishments for a $45,000 a year job and get caught, I can easily be fired with cause. I mean, I don't DO that but, like most people I tend to put a little icing on the cake I'm baking and decorate it nice.

The poo poo this guy did is pathological and straight up demonstrably false. I don't understand how the democrat's oppo research missed all this and even save it for the debate stage. If I put on my Linked In that I went to Harvard, painted the Cistine Ceiling, was a Navy Seal, killed Bin Laden and won the Heisman Trophy, someone's probably gonna check that with a minimum of vetting before putting me on a salary, let alone running me for a position as a lawmaker.

Then you have douche bags like Matt Gaetz calling it one of the biggest smear job in political history and saying "what about Biden's lies" and when it's Trump, who lies every time he speaks, it's somehow the media picking on them. Jesus Christ, this guy's lies were easily discoverable and I'm hosed if I can figure out how he got this far and still has support.

It appears that the Dems' oppo research missed it because his actual opponents never did any. The DCCC did some oppo research, but being a national entity, they had dozens of weirdoes and crazies to investigate, so they didn't do super deep dives. His direct opponents would be the ones who'd dig super deep, but they apparently didn't bother to do any oppo research at all.

Reporters had been tipped off that something wasn't right about Santos, but they apparently ignored it until after the election, when the NYT suddenly decided to investigate it for some reason.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

BiggerBoat posted:

Honest question but does the VP usually have top secret clearance and access to classified documents? And, either way, what the gently caress is going with motherfuckers just stashing them in their storage closets and garages like 15 year old tax returns and unused ping pong tables?

Jesus Christ, man, maybe exercise a little bit of care with this poo poo, no? It's not like there's anything violent or unstable going on in the loving world right now or people in other countries who might wish us harm.

I know people that have safes in their closets with $500 and a passport in there.

It varies. The VP is usually told a lot of what the president knows so that they're not completely clueless if the president unexpectedly dies, but not necessarily everything. For example, Truman only learned of the Manhattan Project after Roosevelt's death.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

the_steve posted:

https://twitter.com/healthbyjames/status/1614719393312694276?s=20&t=Enn-SbtI-OiWLl6COre5kg

So, assuming there's anything to this, all my brain comes to is "Wow, that's going to be more vindication/ammo for the antivax crowds."

It's not really shocking that they're saying they'll at least consider it. One likely GOP presidential candidate is already openly calling for it, and the rest are likely to follow suit, so no one wants to be the guy who goes on record saying "no loving way" to a reporter. Not a good career move if one of those candidates ends up being the next commander-in-chief.

The Pentagon opposed lifting the mandate in the first place, so it's unlikely that military leadership are actually enthusiastic about giving back pay to those who were booted for violating the mandate. I suspect that they're being noncommittal for political reasons, and that they intend to "lose" this proposal deep in the back of a filing cabinet and forget about it until 2025.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010
GOP House candidate Solomon Pena, who was overwhelmingly defeated in November, spent the rest of November ranting about election fraud and screaming that the election was stolen, including showing up at the homes of two county commissioners to personally tell them that they shouldn't certify the election results.

Apparently, he spent December and January doing three things. The first two are extremely funny, the last one not so much:
  1. constantly replying to the tweets of regional Dems, shouting that their elections were rigged and they had no legitimacy
  2. searching out tweets insulting him and picking Twitter fights with those people, insisting that he didn't lose and that his humiliating defeat was just fraud and election rigging (seriously, dude was extremely online)
  3. hiring people to shoot at local Dems' and county commissioners' homes and offices

https://twitter.com/Phil_Lewis_/status/1615172198288789505

To no one's surprise, he's a big MAGA guy, Jan 6th attendee, and apparently enough of a true believer (and extremely mad) to actually go put his own fingerprints on the crimes instead of just riling up followers with wink-nudge rhetoric.

Luckily, no one was injured, but poo poo like this doesn't exactly bode well for the future of US politics.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

selec posted:

Hochul maybe just dumb? That’s an acceptable reason for why politicians act this way, right?

I suspect in reality that she’s just a conservative and wants to get her way because ideologically she wants this guy, and also she wants to discipline the left flank

https://twitter.com/kaefair/status/1615370005784453124?s=46&t=GWBDqxKfYYFycRolqhvmsg

Imagine being this psychotic in the defense of a guy who said excluding people from a jury on the basis of skin color was fine!

https://queenseagle.com/all/2023/1/16/opinion-justice-lasalle-blessed-skin-color-discrimination-in-jury-selection-thats-disqualifying

I only know anything at all about it because Leon Trotsky 2012 called attention to it, but apparently it's a quid pro pro thing. The conservative justice was the only one of the available options who publicly committed to appointing Hochul's pick for court administrator.

And as far as I can tell (which admittedly isn't very much), NY state politics under Hochul have played host to a lot of petty feuding over how the courts should be run, which in turn affects how some policies (like bail reform) are implemented. Enthusiastically backing a terrible judge in exchange for increased influence elsewhere is exactly the kind of thing I'd expect from NY state politics. It's all the pettiness and personality-driven clashes of general local/regional politics, combined with the patronage networks that pop up in an area with strong political machines.

That said, she's long been a conservative Dem. She spent her early political career as a self-proclaimed "independent Democrat" who frequently defied her own party. As she told a reporter during her first run for a House seat:

quote:

"I’m not afraid of telling my own party when they’re wrong, or embracing a Republican idea when it’s right. I’m not partisan,” Hochul said. “I believe that’s why I was elected (clerk) with 80 percent of the vote last November. And that shows people of all parties will support me, because they trust my judgment and they know I’m a fighter.”

Hochul says she’s proud of the fact her Congressional campaign donor list includes the names of “Republican businessmen, small business people, Democrats, Republicans, independents, people who’ve seen me in the past and know me.”

Main Paineframe fucked around with this message at 19:57 on Jan 17, 2023

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Kalit posted:

This original story is from pages ago, but figured a follow up might be of interest to those here.

First came a statement last week from the national branch of CAIR, which I don't think was posted. It's a strong rebuke of the CAIR-MN stance. I recommend reading the full statement here, but I'm just going to post the rebuke portion of it here:



And it sounds like Hamline is quickly trying to backpedal their actions https://www.twincities.com/2023/01/17/adjunct-professor-sues-hamline-university-over-dismissal-amid-islamophobia-controversy/

This comes, of course, after a lawsuit is being brought up by the adjunct professor.

So far, it looks like Hamline is just backpedaling their words (calling her an Islamophobe), but not their actions (canceling her contract). So the lawsuit will likely continue, at least for now.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Fister Roboto posted:

Seriously, at the risk of sounding like a broken record, how the gently caress did none of this come up before the election?

There appears to have been a lot of buck-passing, with everyone assuming that someone else would put in the effort of digging into the guy. The DCCC did a bunch of oppo research on him, but with how many candidates they were doing oppo for, it makes sense that they wouldn't pursue stuff too hard - after all, you'd expect state parties or their opponents to use that report as a basis to dig deeper. But the NY Dems apparently felt that oppo research wasn't their responsibility, and his 2020 opponent felt Santos was a nobody who wasn't worth seriously campaigning against. And Santos' 2022 opponent apparently decided that the DCCC report was enough to campaign on, and that the campaign's resources would be better spent on more door-knocking and phonebanking rather than extensively investigating Santos' resume.

In fairness, absolutely no one would have expected him to be lying about this much stuff. The oppo research actually did find that his nonprofits were fake and that his finances were suspicious, and it's kinda understandable that they'd stop there. You'd normally expect that to be the most damaging stuff.

Main Paineframe
Oct 27, 2010

Discendo Vox posted:

I wish I had a clearer sense of what Hochul was trying to get through this court admin figure that LaSalle had agreed to support.

I've tried to research it a bit, but it's mostly petty interpolitical feuding with very little coverage. So far, the big one seems to be this:

With tough-on-crime politicians like Eric Adams openly opposing NY's bail reform law, it became a political issue in the election. Hochul (who was supporting the law at the time) somehow ended up accusing judges of failing to keep up with the law and apply it appropriately. She even publicly threatened to create a state-funded training program for cash bail and force judges to attend. NY judges and legal organizations didn't take kindly to this, and the court administrator actually went to the press to openly criticize it.

I have no idea who's in the wrong on that, and my gut instinct is that they all are, but it seems like exactly the kind of situation where having a loyalist as court administrator might be helpful.

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Oct 27, 2010

FlamingLiberal posted:

Is Santos actually gay or not? I thought it previously came up that he was gay, but like with everything else that may not be accurate.

Whether or not he's actually gay isn't really something we can judge.

The thing that was doubtful that he claimed to have long been openly gay, out and proud for a decade and completely confident in his sexual identity the entire time.

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Oct 27, 2010

BDawg posted:

I swear I saw an article this week or last where they said they all but had it figured out.

I don't think there's been anything reliable, no. The Court's been quiet about it, so the rumor mill and gossip press have been quite active about it, but they didn't really have anything of note to say about it.

It's not shocking that they couldn't find the source. The impression I got is that the Supreme Court hasn't been particularly concerned about monitoring or security on their computer systems, instead relying on conventions and trust to keep things secure - which left the investigators with not much to go on.

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Oct 27, 2010

Randalor posted:

So... poo poo will go up in price?

So... poo poo will go up in price?

Edit:

I'm assuming that Boebert or Gaetz would just keep demanding votes for a new speaker and drag out the process if they really wanted to destroy the economy, assuming the Rs don't do it out of spite of a Democrat being in the White House. I have no idea what they need to raise the debt limit.

More like "immediate major worldwide recession", if not worse. It'd be the kind of thing that shows up in history books fifty years from now. Much of the global financial system relies in some way on the assumption that it is essentially impossible for the US to run out of dollars and be unable to pay its debts.

Look at how the Great Recession, the result of a global financial crisis, was caused by banks misjudging the risks of subprime mortgages and ending up with more risky debt on their balance sheets than they expected. A US default would be a much, much worse version of that - there's a lot more money in US debt, and the risk of a US default was widely expected to be zero.

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Oct 27, 2010

-Blackadder- posted:

I can't seem to find the drat article I saw it in (it mentioned something about someone "seeing things for how they are") but the concern I keep seeing is that the GOP aren't just the dumb kid running at the brick wall this time.

McCarthy's actually trying some new strategy, I can't remember the details, something about insulating SS.

Whatever it actually is I can't imagine it'll actually work, McCarthy is by far and away one of the absolute dumbest people in Congress.

Doesn't matter. As soon as payments get missed on any US debt, that's a crisis.

We actually had a pretty good demonstration of the kind of chaos that can result just a few months ago, when a newly-elected conservative governor in a South Korean province decided to refuse to pay some debt that had been taken out to subsidize the construction of a Legoland.

The result was a months-long credit crisis across the entire country. local governments couldn't take out any more debt because they couldn't get anyone to buy it. Banks stopped offering some types of loan to anyone, including private companies and individuals. Skyrocketing interest rates made the remaining kinds of loan nearly unaffordable, and many major companies were soon at risk of bankruptcy due to a liquidity crisis as loans were no longer available.

The South Korean federal government was able to avert a full-blown crisis by rapidly plowing a ton of money into the market and issuing various guarantees, but the country isn't out of the woods yet, as the shock threatened to destabilize a real estate market that was already in a risky state as (like the US) South Korea was intentionally driving up interest rates in hopes that it would counteract inflation.

https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/11/10/legoland-south-korea-bond-market-crisis/

quote:

Imagine the turmoil if a newly elected president of the United States announced that the U.S. government would no longer honor any outstanding Treasury bills because most of them were issued under his profligate predecessor. That’s essentially what Kim Jin-tae, the governor of South Korea’s Gangwon province, did. In doing so, Kim sparked a nationwide credit crisis that is spreading internationally, in the most farcical and unnecessary economic self-destruction this side of Liz Truss.

Enhancing the absurdity is the origin of the crisis: Legoland Korea, a theme park based on the familiar brick toys. Gangwon, a sparsely populated, mountainous region east of Seoul, had tried since 2010 to build a Legoland near the resort town of Chuncheon. After years of delay caused by a discovery of ancient artifacts in the construction site and allegations of bribery and kickbacks, the theme park finally opened on May 5.

To construct Legoland Korea, the Gangwon provincial government established a special purpose entity called Gangwon Jungdo Development Corp. (GJC), owned 44 percent by the province and 22.5 percent by Merlin Entertainments, the British company that owns the rights to Legoland. To fund the construction, GJC, through a subsidiary, issued bonds worth 205 billion won (about $150 million). The bonds were backed by the GJC-owned real estate for the theme park and its surrounding area, as well as a guarantee from the Gangwon provincial government, then led by liberal Gov. Choi Moon-soon. Korea Investors Service, the South Korean affiliate of Moody’s, gave the GJC bonds an A1 rating, the highest rating available for corporate bonds.

But Legoland Korea struggled out of the gate, too far from Seoul and too expensive for what was on offer, and it did not generate enough revenue to honor the bonds. Also, as South Korea’s real estate market softened, the value of the real estate backing the bonds began falling below the amount of the debt. As the first due date for the bonds was approaching on Sept. 29, GJC was in talks to extend the deadline with BNK Securities, the underwriter for the bonds. Negotiating for such an extension is a tense affair but a relatively common one. GJC was close to buying itself a three- or four-month reprieve, by prepaying BNK four months’ worth of interest that it would additionally owe by extending the due date.

Then came the disaster. Out of the blue, on Sept. 28, Gangwon’s newly elected conservative governor, Kim Jin-tae, announced that he would not honor the government’s guarantee. Instead, GJC would enter into bankruptcy, meaning that creditors would receive pennies on the dollar. BNK Securities declared a default on the GJC bonds and sought assurances that Gangwon would pay back the 205 billion won, but the government gave only a vague promise that it would honor the guarantee without giving a specific date. By mid-October, the GJC bonds were downgraded to junk status.

Kim’s declaration was brutally unnecessary. He claimed that he was trying to reduce the debt left behind by his liberal predecessor who, according to Kim, irresponsibly embarked on a white elephant project in Legoland Korea. But Gangwon’s decade-long pursuit of building a Legoland had always been a bipartisan affair, linked more to a hope of revitalizing the province than to any political faction. As a legislator representing Chuncheon, Kim was a vocal advocate for the theme park, claiming in 2014 that he would “jump into the Soyang River” along the city if South Korea’s Cultural Heritage Administration blocked the project because of the ancient artifacts discovered at the construction site. Nor was the bond amount anything excessive. Gangwon’s annual budget is over 17.7 trillion won (about $13 billion), in which a debt of 205 billion won is but a line item. Nor was the provincial government being asked to pay the entire 205 billion won in one shot; it only had to assist GJC in paying the extra interest it would have incurred for extending the bonds’ due date.

By itself, extending the due date for the bonds would have cost Gangwon a bit, but it would have stayed contained. Kim’s move, however, has shattered trust in government bonds. In the South Korean bond market, a local government guarantee was previously enough to ensure a bond got the highest rating, approaching the safety of South Korea’s national government bond. By withdrawing Gangwon’s guarantee, Kim demonstrated that a local government’s guarantee could evaporate for a purely political reason.

This would be a reckless move under any circumstances but nearly suicidal in the current economy. In order to curb inflation, the U.S. Federal Reserve has been aggressively raising the benchmark interest rate to remove liquidity from the market. The Bank of Korea, South Korea’s central bank, had to follow suit to prevent a rush of capital flight from South Korea to the United States. The result is a financial market starved of capital, with companies struggling to keep up with the sudden jump in the interest rate. Kim’s declaration all but threw a match into the dry winter forest that was the South Korean bond market.

Immediately, South Korea’s local government projects ground to a halt. As Gangwon did, South Korea’s local governments issue bonds with their guarantees attached to them in order to build infrastructure, public housing, and other large-scale projects. But Gangwon’s default made those guarantees worthless overnight. On Oct. 27, reports emerged that Incheon Housing and City Development Corp., a publicly owned company responsible for urban renewal for South Korea’s third-largest city, had abandoned a plan to issue bonds for affordable housing construction, as it expected no buyers. Out of the 60 billion won (about $44 million) worth of bonds issued by Gwacheon Urban Corp. (GUC) for public housing construction in a wealthy suburb of Seoul, 40 billion won in debt could not find a buyer—the first time in history that GUC failed to sell out its bonds.

But the fallout is not limited to local government bonds; it impacts the whole of South Korea’s bond market, worth more than $2 trillion. Corporate bonds are considered less safe than local government bonds. If few buyers are brave enough to buy local government bonds under these conditions, even fewer buyers can muster enough courage to buy corporate bonds. One of the safest corporate bonds in South Korea is issued by Korea Electric Power Corp. (KEPCO). The returns for KEPCO’s three-year bond had climbed from 2.184 percent to 5.825 percent since the beginning of this year. But in its latest issuance, the KEPCO three-year bond worth 200 billion won (about $146 million) could not find a buyer.


Domestic trouble has led to international trouble. On Nov. 1, South Korea’s Heungkuk Life Insurance Co. declined to exercise the call option on its dollar-denominated bonds worth $500 million. Although the bonds’ term was 30 years, South Korean issuers have almost always exercised the call option to buy back the bonds after a shorter amount of time—usually between five and 10 years. The last time a similar non-call occurred was in 2009, in the wake of the global financial crisis. The non-call crashed the value of Heungkuk Life’s bonds, as it signaled to the market that the company could not come up with the money to buy back the bonds. Worse, Heungkuk Life’s non-call dragged down the value of other bonds issued by South Korean companies generally—and even bonds issued by other large Asian companies such as AIA Group and the Bank of East Asia in Hong Kong. As the shock rippled through the international bond market, Heungkuk Life abruptly made a 180-degree turn and said it would borrow money to exercise the call option after all, reportedly under heavy pressure from South Korea’s financial regulators. Such back-and-forth, however, does little to restore international investors’ trust in bonds issued by South Korean companies.

Unable to find liquidity either inside of the country or out, South Korea is now facing a nationwide credit crunch. South Korean financial institutions have stopped offering auto loans, as interest rates have climbed to a prohibitive level. Many of South Korea’s housing redevelopment plans, which often cost hundreds of millions of dollars to turn old houses into new high-rises, are being suspended because they cannot find financing, putting enormous pressure on South Korea’s real estate market, which has been losing value at a record pace. On Oct. 20, Lotte Engineering & Construction, the construction arm of Lotte Group, South Korea’s fifth-largest chaebol, or family-owned conglomerate, had to take out an emergency loan of 500 billion won (about $365 million) from its affiliate Lotte Chemical amid speculation that it was facing a potential bankruptcy along with several other large construction firms.

To prevent the credit market from seizing up completely, the South Korean government stepped in by providing a liquidity facility of more than 50 trillion won (about $35 billion). The Bank of Korea also injected 42.5 trillion won (about $31 billion) to stabilize the short-term bond market, and South Korea’s five largest banks also pledged to provide up to 95 trillion won (about $67 billion) in liquidity. There is an absurdist quality to these measures: On the one hand, the Bank of Korea has been aggressively raising the benchmark interest rate to curb inflation by reducing liquidity, but on the other hand, the South Korean government is injecting liquidity to the market to stave off a total economic collapse.

Although the measures did calm the market somewhat, South Korea is not out of the woods yet. The country’s credit default swap premium, a measure of likelihood for a national-level credit event (such as a moratorium or other failure to pay back debt), is 75.61 basis points as of this writing, the highest it has been in nearly seven years.

Clearly, Kim Jin-tae did not understand the implications of his own action. The far-right politician is not known for his economic erudition, as he gained notoriety by being the standard-bearer for impeached President Park Geun-hye and claiming that the 1980 Gwangju Uprising, in which South Korea’s dictatorship massacred thousands of pro-democracy protesters, was a North Korean insurrection. As the Legoland bond debacle spread, Kim issued a statement in which he complained that Gangwon never defaulted on the bonds and only sought to restructure GJC—apparently unaware that the latter would automatically lead to the former. Belatedly, the provincial government allocated a special budget to pay the entirety of the bonds, which only served to remind everyone how unnecessary it was for Gangwon to complain about the debt amount in the first place.

South Korean media have compared Kim to disgraced former British Prime Minister Liz Truss, an apt analogy. For purely political reasons, both leaders caused an entirely gratuitous self-inflicted wound to their countries’ economies, destroying trust in what was supposed to be a sure thing—pension funds for Truss, government-backed bonds for Kim. The same lesson applies to Britain, South Korea, and everywhere: Electing bad politicians leads to a bad economy.

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Oct 27, 2010

DancingMachine posted:

https://dlj.law.duke.edu/article/the-debt-limit-and-the-constitution-how-the-fourteenth-amendment-forbids-fiscal-obstructionism/

The constitution literally requires that the validity of public debt not be called into question by things like a debt ceiling that is separate from the appropriations process.

I am not sure why the administration hasn't just out and said gently caress off, we are ignoring your debt ceiling yet. Probably because it would make Manchin mad like everything else. But this is where things will end up in June IMO.

The 14th Amendment says the US can't stop paying the debt it already has. The debt ceiling prevents the US from taking out new debt. So the 14th can't be a full solution.

The "gently caress off, we're ignoring the debt ceiling" argument could potentially be used for taking out debt to continue to pay actual debts the US has already incurred. However, it would be unlikely to cover any other spending. "Congress passed a budget saying we have to spend $X on program Y" wouldn't qualify as public debt even under a fairly expensive definition of the term. So the 14th Amendment gambit would result in a situation where the government is only spending money on debt payments and nothing else.

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Oct 27, 2010

Putting this up for a vote was one of the things McCarthy ended up promising the HFC in exchange for their support, so this'll be a good chance to see how much the rank and file are willing to play along.

Note that the rules package only committed him to putting it up for a vote - it didn't require that the bill pass, nor did it require him to whip for it. He might have privately promised to whip for it, but he didn't put it in writing.

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Oct 27, 2010

Shooting Blanks posted:

Do we know if this was a request from one or more specific people, or just a generic HFC requirement?

No one's named a specific person who demanded it. It was one of the demands of the holdouts, but we don't know how many of them actually wanted it.

https://twitter.com/sarahnferris/status/1612931558662365184

And actually, I was wrong about it being in the rules package. The rules package did specifically call for a half-dozen bills to be brought to a vote, but the sales tax wasn't one of them. So this was a purely verbal promise from McCarthy.

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Oct 27, 2010

BiggerBoat posted:

I'm all in favor of simplifying the tax code somehow but this Fair Tax poo poo and, worse, the people in my income bracket who support it, infuriate me. I can't gather why so many voters like this idea and it's a really stupid and elementary way of thinking about "fair".

Because, by and large, everyone pays the same amount for food, gas, utilities and, even to some extent, cars, clothes, child care and what have you. Things you simply must buy to live. Cost of living expenses. Trouble is that for someone like me, the percentage of that might be, let's say, 65% of my income. For someone making six figures or more, that percentage would be much much lower.

It's a horrible idea that idiot voters think is logical because it seems fair if you only think about it for 10 seconds.

The idea isn't just "fair", but "simple". Fair Tax-style proposals point out legitimate issues that ordinary people have with the current tax system (the complexity, the perception that people need to hire tax preparers, the perception that the wealthy loophole their way into paying far less than they owe), and then lie and claim that their proposal will solve all those issues.

As for the fact that they're usually blatantly regressive, these kinds of proposals usually claim they'll come with a compensation program such as a universal basic income that'll cover much of the impact on low-income workers. On top of that, they usually deploy other common anti-tax rhetoric to sell the idea that the current tax system is less progressive than it seems. For example, FairTax proponents claim that even people who seem to pay no income tax are actually paying tons of "hidden taxes" in the form of having corporate taxes passed down to them in the form of higher prices. Here's some snippets from the FairTax website that show how it handles such arguments:

quote:

Will corporations get a windfall with the abolition of the corporate tax?

Corporations are legal fictions that have not, do not, and never will bear the burden of taxation. Only people pay taxes. Corporations pass on their tax burden in the form of higher prices to consumers, lower wages to workers, and/or lower returns to investors. The idea that taxing a corporation reduces taxes on, say the working poor, is a cruel hoax. A corporate tax only makes what the working poor buy more expensive, costs them jobs, lowers their lifestyle, or delays their retirement. Under the FairTax Plan, money retained in the business and reinvested to create jobs, build factories, or develop new technologies, pays no tax. This is the most honest, fair, productive tax system possible. Free market competition will do the rest.

quote:

Why is the FAIRtax better than our current system?

Our present tax system is one of the reasons that people are finding it so difficult to get ahead these days. It is one of the reasons the next generation may not have a standard of living as high as this generation. Cars replaced the horse and buggy, the telephone replaced the telegraph, and the FairTax replaces the income tax. The income tax is holding us back and making it more difficult than it needs to be to improve our families’ standard of living. It makes it needlessly difficult for our businesses to compete in international markets. It wastes vast resources on complying with needless paperwork. We can do better and we must.

quote:

How does the FairTax affect wages and prices?

Americans who produce goods and earn wages must pay significant tax and compliance costs under the current federal income tax. These taxes and costs both reduce after-tax wages and profits and are then passed on to the consumers of those goods and services in the form of price increases. When the FairTax removes income, capital gains, payroll, and estate and gift taxes, the pre-FairTax prices of these goods and services will fall. The removal of these hidden taxes may also allow wages to rise. Exactly how much prices will fall and wages will rise depends on market forces. For example, in a profession with many jobs and too few to fill them, wages will likely increase more than in fields where there are too many employees and not enough jobs.

You can see that it relies heavily on trickle-down reasoning to insist that income taxes are inherently bad for workers and the economy, claiming that taking money from the rich only serves to hurt the job creators and pass down price increases to consumers. There's a lot of little contradictions in it, but people won't notice unless they're actively looking at it with a critical eye. And most FairTax believers are primed for it by conservative media, since the organization pushing FairTax has close ties to conservative interests (and also to Scientology).

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Oct 27, 2010

-Blackadder- posted:

On the Fair Tax topic this was a pretty interesting jaunt back through history (always like reading background stories like this) and it has some insight into the interplay between the political factions. (Also like the "we're all capitalists now" moment.)
https://twitter.com/TimothyNoah1/status/1616470992095789056

If anyone has any recommendations, I'd be interested in an article/book/podcast that goes back through the various issues we've played musical chairs with over the years (only really know about the all time classic Southern Strategy Realignment).

I wouldn't go so far as to call it a musical-chairs. Reducing consumption is generally accepted to be a way to counter inflation. Thurow's proposal was that instead of having the Federal Reserve intentionally force a recession, a VAT (he drew heavily from the example of European social democracies) would be able to reduce consumption in a less destructive manner while producing government revenue that could be put to some useful purpose.

It's also worth remembering that the income tax was much higher then. At the time, the tax rate on the top income bracket was 70%, and Thurow was concerned that the tax system wasn't progressive enough due to things like the capital gains tax being lower. That led to a bunch of other radical proposals from him, such as ending the corporate tax and instead directly taxing shareholders on the profits of companies they owned.

The entire 1981 article is available online for free, if you want to see some of the things he suggested and how he argued for them. I can't say all of it was good ideas, and a lot of it certainly looks out of place these days, but it's understandable when considering the context: that he was arguing against Reagan's economic policies and trying to provide alternatives that would accomplish the claimed goals better.

https://www.theatlantic.com/past/docs/unbound/flashbks/taxes/thurowf.htm

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Oct 27, 2010

Solkanar512 posted:

Why was Dean ignored by the Obama administration, anyway? That never made any sense to me, especially after his success actually making races competitive.

It was like he was just exiled or something.

A 50-state strategy is by definition a long-term plan, as it can take many years to build up a state party from basically nothing. It's not something where you're gonna see results in a single term.

Obama, on the other hand, was all about short-term thinking. Building up the Dem Party a decade in the future was of no direct use to a guy who would be term-limited out after eight years, and it turned out he wasn't much of a party loyalist in the end.

On top of that, Obama had a tendency to neglect national party figures and organizations, instead preferring his own inner circle and his own organizations. Obama surrounded himself with data-driven types who sought to make "efficient" use of money by identifying seats that were likely flippable and spending almost exclusively on those races, regarding any spending in areas that weren't immediately vulnerable as a waste. There were a lot of people in party machines who were skeptical of money spent in red states that weren't likely to deliver an immediate win, and Obama surrounded himself with those types.

Also, and most importantly, many influential members of Obama's inner circle had a personal or political dislike for Howard Dean. In particular, Rahm Emanuel (along with his close friend and political advisor, David Axelrod) spent the mid-00s feuding with Dean over Democratic strategy. As one of the biggest skeptics of the 50-state strategy, he fought bitterly with Dean over the allocation of party resources in 2006, and then fought even more over the credit for the 2006 wins. By all accounts, there was an huge amount of bad blood between them after that (mostly due to Rahm's notoriously venomous personality). When Rahm and Axelrod were brought into the Obama camp, they made sure that Dean was completely ostracized from the White House. And they were hardly the only ones, either; for example, Robert Gibbs left the Kerry campaign in 2004 to join a plausibly-deniable dark-money group dedicated exclusively to running attack ads against Dean.

Here's a snippet from a Rahm puff piece in 2006 that neatly summarizes both establishment opposition to the 50-state strategy, the general working relationship between Rahm and Dean, and what Rahm thought of people who didn't do what he wanted:

quote:

On a late-spring day in 2006, Emanuel and Charles Schumer, the New Yorker in charge of winning the Senate for the Democrats, walked into the office of party Chairman Howard Dean.

Emanuel, once again, was ready for a fight.

For months, he and Schumer had been imploring the iconoclastic former presidential candidate to channel more money into congressional campaigns. Dean had been pushing a "50-state strategy" to build a Democratic operation in every part of the country.

The national party usually spent millions to help House candidates, but Dean was instead using the money to build this far-flung operation, to Emanuel's immense frustration. He felt Dean's strategy wasted money in unwinnable places.

According to Emanuel, the meeting devolved into a confrontation over resources. Emanuel said that the Republicans planned to heavily fund key races and that if Dean refused to do the same, it would amount to unilateral disarmament. Dean replied that he was fielding activists in every corner of every state.

Ridiculing the effort, Emanuel told Dean that he had seen no sign of it. "I know your field plan. It doesn't exist," he recalled saying. "I've gone around the country with these races. I've seen your people. There's no plan, Howard."

The tongue-lashing was another example of how Emanuel took a sledgehammer to intraparty niceties, making plenty of enemies along the way.

The gravitational center of Democratic antagonism toward Emanuel was the Congressional Black Caucus. Many of the caucus' 43 members complained that Emanuel had not hired enough African-American staffers. They also protested that when he harangued lawmakers to pay their DCCC dues, he did not recognize how hard it was for black politicians, many of whom represented poorer areas, to raise money. The protests often erupted into shouting matches. "If a person says, ` Danny Davis, where are your dues?' I may have a particular difficulty getting my dues that you don't know about or you don't relate to," Rep. Danny Davis, the West Side Democrat, said last summer. "Rahm don't take no prisoners."

Emanuel was privately contemptuous of such complaints. He saw the Black Caucus as one more party faction, like conservative Democrats, that would rather complain than work. Asked about the number of black staffers at the DCCC (two African-Americans were on his senior staff of about 10 people) he waved his hand dismissively. "You know that every [DCCC] chairman has faced the same criticism?" he said. "OK. So I don't give a [expletive]," he added, literally spitting.

Then he began ranting about his conservative party colleagues. "They hate me too, because I'm arrogant and pushy with them. … Because they've never, ever WORKED! NOBODY! NONE OF 'EM!"

Note that although that article credits Emanuel with the Dem wins in 2006, that wasn't the general perception outside of Chicago politics. Dean's 50-state strategy ended up getting most of the credit for the 2006 wins, and there's absolutely no chance that Rahm ever forgave him for that.

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Oct 27, 2010

FlamingLiberal posted:

If the GOP had run on the economy and not weird Internet nonsense they probably do a lot better than they did

The problem is that their primary electorate absolutely loves the weird internet nonsense. Any GOP candidate who focuses too hard on the basic boring fundamentals like "the economy" or "healthcare" risks facing a surprisingly serious primary challenge from some weirdo screaming about woke M&M ads or classroom litterboxes or something. So they have to run on some level of nonsensical internet bullshit and act fairly serious about it until the primary's over, and then they can't pivot away from that stuff so easily in the general.

Shrecknet posted:

sorry if this is off topic and if there's a better thread I'll delete and post there but, from a purely electioneering standpoint, how would Hilary campaigning in Wisconsin have changed anything? Like from a purely "motivating people to vote and bring friends" aspect, what would a speech or two have done?

It's impossible to tell. Wisconsin was rather close, but there's really no way of actually knowing how much campaigning it would have taken to flip it.

After all, it wasn't really supposed to be up for grabs in the first place - Wisconsin picked the Dem in every presidential election since Reagan, and Hillary had consistently led in the polls there by a fair margin. The Clinton campaign expected an easy win there, but instead she got fewer votes than Romney had gotten there just four years earlier. That suggests a deeper weakness that might not have evaporated with just a few stump speeches and a bunch of door-knocking. Besides, she campaigned hard in Pennsylvania (which had twice as many EVs) and still lost it by a similarly narrow margin.

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Oct 27, 2010

Charliegrs posted:

I don't understand why people think DeSantis couldn't win the general after Trump won it in 2016? Like what negative qualities does DeSantis have that Trump didn't? Trump wasn't charismatic either. I don't think chuds care about charisma, in fact they want someone to be as outwardly evil as they are and DeSantis will definitely deliver when it comes to that.

Trump was the Obama of the right, in many ways.

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Oct 27, 2010

smackfu posted:

How to get from “virtually everyone” to one in three?

"virtually everyone" was a phrase invented by the Twitter user, not an actual quote from the judge's opinion. However, the judge did say that being inside the Capitol building at the given times would constitute probable evidence of a crime.

The ~5700 devices were "devices that Google calculated were or could have been (based on the associated margin of error for the estimated latitude/longitude point) within the TARGET LOCATION."

The 1500 devices had "at least one location associated with the device that [was] within the [Capitol] building and the margin of error [fell] entirely within the Geofence".

In other words, the 5700 were devices that were probably within the Capitol building at the given time, and the 1500 were devices that were definitely within the Capitol building at the given time. There's a limit to the accuracy of geolocation, after all.

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Oct 27, 2010

Leon Sumbitches posted:

Lol that the subprime mortgage crisis is the same as tenant protection laws

One of the far-right responses to the housing crisis was to blame it on fair housing laws, which they claimed were FORCING poor helpless banks and landlords to give risky loans with high interest rates to poor minorities even though everyone knew those people wouldn't actually be able to pay.

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Oct 27, 2010

Staluigi posted:

How much of this is private prisons being private prisons and how much of this is lovely red state governments being lovely red state governments (ignore for the moment that allowing institutional capture of prisons is itself lovely govt)

It's mostly the latter, with the caveat that even publicly-run prisons still have a certain level of profit motive.

Here's what the Times wrote last month, which goes a bit more into the specific causes and motives:

quote:

NEW ORLEANS — The judge told Johnny Traweek he had served his time, seven months, for hitting someone with a saucepan in a drunken fight, then suggested he could be released from the Orleans Parish prison by midnight.

Mr. Traweek began giving away his jailhouse comforts — a blanket, two orange sweatshirts, ramen, soda. Then he waited out the final hours of May 2, 2018, his last legal day behind bars.

Midnight came, midnight went. Around 4 a.m., Mr. Traweek was lying in bed, eyes open, when the staff summoned inmates for predawn breakfast. He would repeat that routine, including the sleepless nights, 19 more days because the Louisiana Department of Public Safety and Corrections did not process his paperwork in a timely manner.

“It’s a bad, bad feeling,” said Mr. Traweek, now 70. “Every day, I’m getting up and thinking I’m going to get out. And it doesn’t happen. I knew I wasn’t in there for any charge, and still I have to sit there.”

Mr. Traweek’s case was neither atypical nor the worst of its kind: Roughly 200 inmates are held beyond their legal release dates on any given month in Louisiana, amounting to 2,000 to 2,500 of the 12,000 to 16,000 prisoners freed each year. The average length of additional time was around 44 days in 2019, according to internal state corrections data obtained by lawyers for inmates — and until recently, the department’s public hotline warned families that the wait could be as long as 90 days.

In most other states and cities, prisoners and parolees marked for immediate release are typically processed within hours — not days — although those times can vary, particularly if officials must make arrangements required to release registered sex offenders. But in Louisiana, the problem known as “overdetention” is endemic, often occurring without explanation, apology or compensation — an overlooked crisis in a state that imprisons a higher percentage of its residents than any other in most years.

The practice is also wasteful. It costs Louisiana taxpayers about $2.8 million a year in housing costs alone, according to department estimates.

“The state has not made liberty, or taxpayer money, a priority in how they run their prisons,” said William B. Most, a lawyer based in New Orleans who has filed two class-action lawsuits on behalf of overdetained inmates.

“To our clients, it is an extremely scary experience because they do not know why they are being held, when they will be free or how they can get free,” he added. “All they know is they should not be behind bars.”

In December 2020, the Justice Department opened an investigation into the practices the state used to determine the release of its prisoners, particularly those, like Mr. Traweek, who remained behind bars despite being eligible for immediate release. The investigation, according to people with knowledge of the situation, is expected to find widespread violations of a federal law that guarantees imprisoned people their “rights, privileges or immunities.”

State officials have been cooperating with the investigation, so it is possible it could result in an agreement. Such a deal would probably require an overhaul of procedures used to calculate time served, according to people who have spoken to investigators, and mandate the replacement of the state’s outdated corrections computer system known as CAJUN. (Its error message is a pixelated pop-up of a bunny behind bars.)

Prisoners’ rights groups say that federally mandated changes, while welcome, would do little to overcome the core problem that defines Louisiana’s troubled criminal justice system: an entrenched belief that an inmate’s freedom is worth less than everyone else’s.

“We exist in a space between malice and incompetence,” said Jamila Johnson of the Promise of Justice Initiative, a nonprofit in New Orleans that has sued the state for unlawful detention and poor treatment of prisoners.

A spokesman for Louisiana’s corrections department declined to discuss overdetention or even provide basic information about how the system operates and declined to respond to specific claims by inmates, citing the continuing litigation.

But in a deposition taken in January, James M. Le Blanc, who has run the agency for 14 years, acknowledged that the state has “had a problem with immediate releases” since at least 2012. He said the department had halved waiting times in recent years, from an average of more than 70 days a decade ago, and claimed that parish prison officials were also responsible for the drawn-out releases.

“We’re not where we need to be,” he added.

The problem crops up sporadically in other states, including neighboring Mississippi, and in the federal Bureau of Prisons. New York City recently agreed to pay out as much as $300 million to thousands of current and former inmates at local jails who had been kept hours or a few days after they were supposed to be released. But those waiting times are relatively short compared with what prisoners in Louisiana endure.

The state routinely sends prisoners with sentences under 20 years (and those with serious physical or mental conditions) to jails or prisons run by governments in local parishes, which are the equivalent of county governments elsewhere. That means parish prisons serve not only as traditional jails, but also as officially designated extensions of the state prison system.

It is a jumbled and sluggish system with tangled lines of communication and jurisdiction — and many of the prisoners who have been kept past their release dates fell into the chasm between dysfunctional state and parish bureaucracies.

A judge freed Brian Humphrey from the jail in Bossier Parish in northwest Louisiana on April 16, 2019, after he had served three years for an offense related to assault. He prepared to leave that night. Instead, he languished.

The corrections department, for reasons that remain unclear, waited 10 days to even begin processing his paperwork, according to records obtained in a 2021 class-action lawsuit his lawyers filed against the state. Instead of freeing Mr. Humphrey, as he was legally bound to do, the parish sheriff transferred him to a state-run work camp outside Shreveport, where he stayed until he was released on May 13, 2019.

That was 27 days beyond his release date.

Louisiana has one of the most overcrowded prison systems in the country, yet parish sheriffs are often reluctant to release people they believe are at high risk of committing new crimes. Some even view inmates housed in local facilities as worth holding onto as free labor.

In October 2017, Sheriff Steve Prator of Caddo Parish, which includes Shreveport, told reporters he was concerned that a recent criminal justice effort in the state was bad for parish governments. Not only would it result in higher crime rates among the “bad” former prisoners, but it would also deprive his staff of free labor provided by the “good ones.”

“They’re releasing some good ones that we use every day to wash cars, to change oil in our cars, to cook in the kitchen, to do all that, where we save money,” Sheriff Prator said.

There are few incentives for rushing an inmate out the door, especially if the state is picking up the tab: Reimbursement rates for state prisoners are a significant source of income in the parishes, and a handful of parish facilities have eagerly accepted migrants detained at the border, which offers even higher federal reimbursement rates.


Even well-intentioned corrections officials must navigate the state’s complex web of sentencing statutes and time calculation rules before signing off on the release of a prisoner.

Over the past several decades, formulas for sentencing guidelines have shifted, and record keeping has been spotty. Those documents can span multiple decades and cover several facilities, making it hard to nail down a precise accounting of time served — which is often the cause of snags.

Sarah O’Brien, a supervising lawyer with the public defenders’ office in Orleans Parish, has tried to take a more proactive approach. She reviews court records for prisoners around the state, typically those serving longer sentences, who might be entitled to immediate release because of errors in their time calculations.

She is constantly consulting a photograph on her phone. A cheat sheet she put together, written in fastidious longhand, lists all the relevant state laws and their dates of passage. It covers a full page of graph paper.

She also cultivates relationships with court and corrections workers. Recently, she moved up an inmate’s release date by a year after tracking down a juvenile detention record believed to have been lost in the flooding after Hurricane Katrina in 2005.

Ms. O’Brien found a back-office worker who had access the paperwork, and the woman responded, “If there are records, I got ’em!”

She found them, and the man was freed.

Just as often, the opposite is true, lawyers and inmates say. Officials in the system can hold up a release on little more than a whim, sometimes because they have interpreted a judge’s decision in their own way.

One former inmate from New Orleans served more than 18 months beyond his three-year plea agreement because a staff member in his state-run prison in Homer, La., noticed a glitch in the document signed by his trial judge — the order the charges were listed in was incorrect — that should have had no bearing on his release.

The prisoner, a man in his late 40s who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was incarcerated for a sexual offense, wrote letter after letter to state officials. After a few months, he had what he assumed to be a breakthrough. The prison official who had blocked his release promised she would personally walk him out of prison if he was able to retrieve a missing document from the court.

It took him weeks to do so. When he turned it over, he instead waited for months before his case was finally sorted out.


He withdrew from the inmates he had befriended, fearful that his growing anger would spill over into physical aggression, and threw himself into his job as an orderly, sweeping up his cellblock and collecting garbage. Only during weekly Bible study sessions would he engage.

“How do I describe what it’s like?” he said. “It’s like you’re pretty much a nobody. You can write. You can request to speak to this person or to that person. But you’re at their mercy — why? — because they don’t want to be bothered.”

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